The Cost of Going In

The Malta Independent on Sunday



As we enter the final phase of the negotiations for accession to EU membership I regret that the quality of the domestic debate about the matter remains shallow, often getting shallower.

The pro-EU front uses two abstract arguments which play on emotions but remain scant of hard facts.

The first argument is the inevitability of the case. Basically they propose to stop arguing whether it is good or bad and as a matter of fact accept it as something inevitable. So we should just try to make the most of it. This leads us to sing glory whenever our negotiators are given temporary or permanent concessions to keep part of what we already have. `The pro-EU front uses two abstract arguments which play on emotions but remain scant of hard facts.`

Secondly is the argument that in spite of the sacrifices involved this has to be seen in the long term for the good of our children. This argument works especially on the under 25`s who consider EU almost as a matter of fashion, and the over 65`s who are normally influenced more by their grandchildren than their own children.

Both arguments are challengeable.` EU membership is neither inevitable nor a sure winner in the long term interest of our children.

I am not one who would create gloom or doom scenario for either going in or staying out. Both options create their own threats and opportunities and in many ways it is our ability to grasp such opportunities and acknowledge and address our weaknesses which will make a difference between success and failure.

Indeed the stronger argument for EU membership is that due to the mediocrity of leadership which our political class has given us these last 20 years, barring labour`s recent short interlude, we have rendered ourselves as our own worst enemies and need an external agent to sort us out. This argument is not only challengeable but self-degrading and viciously deceptive. `If the case is analysed with the logic and coolness it deserves, it is indeed difficult to justify its benefits.`

If the case is analysed with the logic and coolness it deserves, it is indeed difficult to justify its benefits.

This week there were three particular instances which continue to underline the high cost of going in and the consequent benefit of staying out.

Take the issue of soft drinks in plastic bottles. One of the more sensible decisions this country took regarding waste management was to bar bottling of soft drinks in plastic containers. All these are in glass re-usable bottles and a small quantity in aluminium cans which can be re-cycled. Pity indeed that we did not insist on the same standards for mineral water which on its own creates tons of non-organic plastic waste which has to be disposed of without re-cycling.

We have learnt that the EU is insisting on our giving full market access to imports (and consequently local production) of soft drinks in plastic bottles in the interest of uniform single market practice with no regard being given to environmental consequences created by such a decision in our own particular circumstances. Absolutely indifferent to the principle that prevention is better than cure, we will in due course have to invest in non-organic waste management systems to adhere to EU environmental standards of problems which could have been avoided at source by staying out.

We have also learnt that the EU is insisting that we build strategic oil storage reserves in line with their standards. Much as desirable, the country has much more urgent priorities than spending some Lm20 million to build such storage capacity. Experience has shown us that our best strategy for non-interruption of strategic supplies is our foreign policy of neutrality rather than physical onshore storage facilities. Yet we have to adhere, increasing the costs of going in and the savings of staying out. `Some might argue that we don`t have what it takes to discipline ourselves, to which I would answer that it depends whose leading us.`

Our negotiators also informed us that they are still making heroic efforts to get a permanent derogation from the obligation to impose VAT on food and medicine but at the same they let us know that if they don`t succeed VAT will be introduced at the lower permitted level of 5% and that compensation will be given for the consequential cost-of-living impulse. What they failed to tell us is that 1% VAT revenues, including that applied on food and medicines will be absorbed by the Central EU budget, and that any compensatory adjustments to the cost-of-living impulse will weaken our competitiveness in the export markets. Again this is the cost of going in and the benefit of staying out.

Three cases in one week which repeatedly bring up the question of where is the beef in the membership option. Wait till we know what funding we will be entitled to, some may argue. Fair enough we have no option really but to wait, but the soundings are pretty evident.` The Commission has assured us that we will not be net contributors (some miles off getting a cool hundred million each year) and that the budget for 2007 ` 2012 will no longer be agreed by consensus but by qualified majority.

Staying out does not mean we isolate ourselves through inward looking policies. It means trading freely with the largest possible variety of economic blocks and applying through self-discipline those EU standards that make sense for our circumstances in a tempo that does not prejudice our international competitiveness or tear apart our social cohesion.

Some might argue that we don`t have what it takes to discipline ourselves, to which I would answer that it depends whose leading us. The present government certainly lost all sense of discipline. But then that`s what elections are for!

Alfred Mifsud

B`Lura lejn il-Futur

Il-Kullhadd



Dan ikun titlu ferm addattat ghal programm elettorali tal-Partit Nazzjonalista skond il-film celebri BACK TO THE FUTURE.

Ghax huwa car li n-nazzjonalisti qed jimmanuvraw biex il-futur tal-pajjiz ikun l-istess bhal ma kienu is-snin sittin meta konna ghadna kolonja u fi snin immedjati ta` wara l-indipendenza fejn kollox baqa` f`idejn il-barrani.

Niftakarni guvnott ta` 13 il-sena mmur ma ta` l-iskola il-Belt u l-Furjana biex nattendu ghac-celebrazzjonijiet ta` l-indipendenza f`settembru ta` tmienja u tletin sena ilu.` U niftakarni nistaqsi lili nnifsi fil-prattika x`kienet tfisser din l-indipendenza u ghalfejn dawn il-festi kollha jekk kollox kien jidher li baqa` kif kien. `in-nazzjonalisti qed jimmanuvraw biex il-futur tal-pajjiz ikun l-istess bhal ma kienu is-snin sittin meta konna ghadna kolonja u fi snin immedjati ta` wara l-indipendenza fejn kollox baqa` f`idejn il-barrani.`

Il-regina ta`Malta baqghet ir-regina tar-Renju Unit, il-gvernatur kien baqa l-istess barrani, hafna propjeta` baqghet pprojbita ghall-access tal-Maltin, u hafna pozizzjonijiet importanti baqghu f`idejn il-barranin. Mil-kap tar-rediffusion sal-kap tal-bank centrali kienu barranin qabel l-indipendenza u baqghu anke wara.

U mbaghad gew is-snin sebghin u taht gvern laburista bdejna bilkemm nemmnu l-ghajnejna.` Is-servizzi strategici li kienu f`idejn il-barranin bdew bil-mod jghaddu f`idejn il-Maltin. Mil-banek sat-telekomunikazzjoni, mill-fornitura taz-zejt sas-servizzi ta`l-assikurazzjoni kollha bdew jghaddu f`idejn il-Maltin.` Flok il-barrani jikkontrolla dawn is-servizzi essenzjali u hafna drabi fuq bazi ta` monopolju li jhalli hafna qliegh, dawn ghaddew f`idejn il-Maltin u qliegh beda jmur fil-kaxxa tal-poplu minn fejn seta jitqassam il-gid biex jaghti sens` prattiku lis-servizzi socjali.

Niftkar qisu l-bierah it-twaqqif ta` l-Air Malta u kwazi ma nistax nemmen li pajjiz zghir bhalna jista`jkollu l-linja ta`l-ajru tieghu u li l-Maltin kienu sahansitra se jtajjru l-ajruplani.

U issa ghaddew `l fuq minn 25 sena mit-twaqqif ta`dawn l-istituzzjonijiet.` U tassew sejrin b`lura lejn il-futur. Ghax il-gvern donnu li determinat li pajjizna jerga jgibu mmexxi mil-barrani bhal qabel. `U issa ghaddew `l fuq minn 25 sena mit-twaqqif ta`dawn l-istituzzjonijiet.` U tassew sejrin b`lura lejn il-futur. Ghax il-gvern donnu li determinat li pajjizna jerga jgibu mmexxi mil-barrani bhal qabel.`

Issa ghandna l-bank principali taghna li anke meta kien Barclays fis-snin senghin kien immexxi ghal kollox mil-maltin, illum immexxi mill-barranin li huma insensettivi ghal bzonnijiet rejali ta`l-ekonomija Maltija u huma sensittivi biss lejn il-qliegh tal-bank u lejn l-objettiv ta` hrug ta` kapital barra minn Malta.

Issa ghandna l-posta u l-ajruport immexxija mil-barranin.` Dawn akkwistaw 40% ta` l-ishma u rabtu l-gvern malti li jmexxu huma u talli jaghmlu dan jiccargjawna talli jmexxu dak li ahna konna ga mmexxu b`success. Ghax dawn is-servizzi anke meta ghadna` kolonja kienu mmexija mil-Maltin izda issa donnu ma sirna tajbin ghalxejn.

U biex zgur ma jhallux dubju issa gabu Chief Executive barrani ghall-Air Malta li jinghad li qed ihallsuh daqs il-paga medja ta` madwar hamsin familja maltija f`daqqa. Anke kumpanija li ghada kollha kemm taghna ukoll tlifna l-fiducja li kapaci mmexxuha`

Izda tiskantaw b`xejn.` Ghax jidher li l-gvern qata`qalbu li jmexxi` l-pajjiz u ghalhekk dawn il-passi huma bhal tarag li qed nitlighu targa wara `l ohra. Meta naslu fit-targa ta` fuq u nharsu madwarna u nergghu naraw pajjizna kollu mibjugh u mmexxi mil-barrani nkunu wasalna biex anke t-tmexxija politika nkunu ser naghtuha lil barrani.

Ghax bid-dhul fl-UE il-PN dan effettivament qed jaghmel. Qed jammettu li huma mhux kapaci jmexxi il -pajjiz bhal ma kienux kapaci jmexxu l-banek. Il-posta, l-ajruport u l-Air Malta. U pajjiz qed nintegrawh ma l-UE b`mod li decizjoni li jeffettwaw hajjitna u l-futur taghna bil-kbir ma jibqghux f`idejna izda jibdew jittiehdu b`vot ta` maggoranza mil-pajjizi ta` l-UE fejn il-vuci ta` Malta tkun irqiqa u bla influwenza ta` xejn. `Il-vizjoni taghna hija ta` pajjiz sovran u newtrali habib ta` kullhadd izda fejn kullhadd jifhem li Malta tal-Maltin u jmexxuha l-Maltin.`

Jekk inkomplu telghin it-tarag li jriduna nitilghu in-nazzjonalisti waqt li ma kull targa nkantaw vittorja talli gabu xi koncessjoni zghira dwar xi haga li kienet kollha kemm` hi ga f`idejna, pajjizna anke fil-livell poltiku tieghu ser jispicca mmexxi ghal kollox mil-barrani u dak li qed naraw issa fil-kumpaniji individwali narawh isir fuq skala nazzjonali fil-livell politiku biex il-Maltin jergghu isiru barranin f`pajjizna stess.

Din mhix il-vizjoni tal-partit laburista li hadem kontra kull ostaklu biex lil pajjizna tah il-kunfidenza ta` stat sovran veru u kontroll fuqu innifsu daqs kemm huwa possibbli f`dinja fejn il-pajjizi ekonomikament kollha jiddependu fuq xulxin. Il-vizjoni taghna hija ta` pajjiz sovran u newtrali habib ta` kullhadd izda fejn kullhadd jifhem li Malta tal-Maltin u jmexxuha l-Maltin.

Naghmlu negozju ma kullhadd, ma nkunu ta` perikolu ghal hadd u nghixu minn attivitajiet kummercjali u mhux minn attivitajiet ta` difiza. Nemmnu li jekk il-pajjiz jitmexxa sew u bid-dixxiplina nistghu inkunu bhal Singapore fejn pajjiz ckejken sar centru finazjarju u ta` kummerc internazzjonali. Il-pajjiz` baqa jikkmandah il-poplu anke jekk fehem li dan jista` jsir biss bil-bzulija, bix-xoghol u bis-serjeta`. In-nazzjonalisti f`dwan l-ahhar hmistax il-sena mexxew il-pajjiz bil-ghazz, bil-hela u bit-tberbiq bla sens, bil-korruzjjoni u favoritizmu li bhal dudu kiel l-ispirtu morali tal-pajjiz t telliflu l-fiducja fih innifsu tant li issa gharkubbtejh qed jitlob lil barranin jigu jmexxuna huma.

Ahna mhux b`lura lejn il-futur tan-nazzjonalisti qed noffru, izda qed noffru vizjoni ta` futur b`rajna f`idejna fejn bil-bzulija u d-dixxiplina noholqu il-gid u nqassmuh b`mod socjali ma dawk l-aktar li ghandhom bzonn.

One to Go

The Malta Independent



Four years ago to the day the unthinkable happened. A democratically elected Labour government, forced by one of its own to seek a fresh electoral mandate when it was just one third through its existent one with only the pain but not the gain to show for performance, lost a pre-mature election.

What at the beginning of the campaign looked like a prospective labour confirmation at the end of it proved otherwise. Which shows that the quality, effectiveness and consistent crescendo of the campaign make the difference, as a decisive portion of the electorate remains undecided till the last moments.

`With one to go the PN would rather not talk about these issues and keep us occupied with EU chapters, open or closed, derogations, concessions and great victories in being able to keep part of what we already have.` Two issues made the campaign sway the nationalist way. One was their persuasiveness that the financial deficit problems bragged about by Sant et al were figments of their imagination invented to justify their incompetence.` They impressed that the party can start all over again as soon as the PN were returned to government where they would be able to tap a cool hundred million a year from the EU.` The other was that the whiter than white Labour administration was in fact already tarnished with corruption of which Lay Lay housing scandal was a vivid example.

Time is wiser than words. Four years later we know that the financial problems were and still are real having erased the feel-good factor and extracted Lm200 odd million in tax money out of our pockets without addressing the underlying problem. The cool hundred million remain eternally in the freezer.` We also know that the Lay Lay scandal was a fabrication created by the PN themselves with the inside help of Sciberras Grioli and others.

`Whilst the Commission has proclaimed that new members will not be net contributors in the first few years, the Nice agreement provides that the budget for 2007 `2012 will no longer be decided by unanimity.` With one to go the PN would rather not talk about these issues and keep us occupied with EU chapters, open or closed, derogations, concessions and great victories in being able to keep part of what we already have.

When it comes to funding we are told that we should all feel good that the EU Commission is on record saying that candidate countries will not be net contributors. No one even dares make a guess of the net funding that we will receive and this merely three months before negotiations ought to close.

With one year to go the thing which stands out mostly is that this country needs a change from a fatigued administration that has abandoned all hope of addressing domestic problems that impinge upon our everyday life, and is pinning all its hopes on getting foreign managers to run the country.

Having got foreign managers to run our main bank, our postal service, our airport and now our national airline, what the PN will be offering us during the coming final year of its mandate is that on account of their incompetence in running this country which has lost its money and its soul, we need foreign managers to run us from Brussels.

Anyone whoever thinks otherwise is absolutely not in line with what`s going on in Brussels. Whilst the Commission has proclaimed that new members will not be net contributors in the first few years, the Nice agreement provides that the budget for 2007 `2012 will no longer be decided by unanimity. You can imagine whose interests majority decisions will take care of when it comes to hard money.

Alfred Mifsud