A Tripod Of Privatisation Fiascos

maltastar.com

To complete the privatisation fiasco a third leg was needed to the two legs born out of the privatisations of Mid-Med Bank and Maltapost. The MIA privatisation provided the third leg making the fiasco solid and complete.

“With 40% equity the strategic partner will have full control over the company as the remaining 60% will be very thinly spread.”

MIA, by its own nature is in a class of its own. It will always be a monopoly. Maltawill always have one airport, unless vertical take-off passenger planes are invented or unless we turn crazy enough to go ahead with the Gozo airstrip.

Mid-Med had a large chunk of the market giving it a dominant position but it was not a monopoly. Maltapost has a monopoly put limited to normal letters and it is likely that this monopoly will have to go under EU rules. In any event the current monopoly of Maltapost has an expiry date.

MIA on the contrary is a perpetual monopoly. This gives it two distinct characteristics. Firstly that it can make monopoly profits particularly as air travel is by far the most practical means of travelling abroad of islanders in the middle of the Mediterranean.. Secondly it has strategic interest for Malta’s development especially in being managed in a way complimentary to our tourism policies.

For this purpose when the last Labour government of 1996-1998 had identified MIA as a potential candidate forprivatisation in order to generate exceptional revenue flows to contain the huge fiscal deficit inherited from the Nationalist governments, it had set very strict parameters.

It had set that the government will continue to hold a majority stake of 60% to ensure it can keep control over this strategic company. Secondly it had decided to privatise 40% by splitting this minority stake in two separate parts. 20% would be sold to a strategic partner who could be seen as a capable of contributing value added by means of management expertise and procurement of international business. The residual 20% had to be sold to the Maltese general public through an IPO on the local market.

“Unlike Labour, minister Dalli and his PrivatisationUnit team have again betrayed the national interest passing control over a national monopoly to a foreign strategic partner”

The Nationalist government took a very different approach to privatising MIA. It has offered 40% equity stake to a strategic partner and has committed itself to sell the remaining 60% as an IPO in gradual tranches of 20% each.

This is highly risky. With 40% equity the strategic partner will have full control over the company as the remaining 60% will be very thinly spread. Malta’s one and only airport will be controlled by a foreign strategic partner who could well decide to manage in a way out of sync with national objective related to tourism.

Apart from this, as sure as night follows day, the strategic partner with practical control of the Board and the Annual General Meeting will favour itself with management and technical services agreement which will run MIA dry ensuring that the profit are made to accrue mostly to the strategic partner rather than be left to sink to the company’s bottom line in the interest of all shareholders.

So the MIA deal is structurally wrong. Government can boast as much as it wants that it got more than Labourgovernment had pencilled in as a figures for floatation of 40% in a very different manner. The two are incomparable. Unlike Labour, minister Dalli and his Privatisation Unit team have again betrayed the national interest passing control over a national monopoly to a foreign strategic partner with a carte blanche to milk the MIA from its profits through technical service fees to the detriment of the remaining 60% shareholders.

And let me make one thing very clear. Should a Labour government get elected whilst still holding control over the company it will use that control to re-address the strategic national risk which this irresponsible minority stake involves. If on the other hand a Labour government would find no government equity in MIA to re-address the matter, it will use other sovereign tools to ensure that the national interest is protected and that monopoly powers are not abused by the private sector.

And where is the promised transparency?

Who conducted the deal the Privatisation Unit or minister Dalli personally?

How is it that a preferred bidder chosen by Cabinet decision gets pipped out by another bidder without reference to Cabinet?

Was the minister holding private meetings with the local representatives of the chosen consortium whilst the selection process was going on?

And why were the revised bids not opened in public under sealed conditions?

Members of the Privatisation Unit should either express publicly their reservations about the selection process or else shoulder responsibility together with the Minister for betrayal of Malta’s national interest.

Sahha lil Haddiem

Il-Kullhadd


Nhar l-Ewwel ta` Mejju nieqfu biex niccelebraw ir-rebhiet li l-haddiem ghamel fil-passat filwaqt li naghtu harsa `l quddiem ha naraw kif dawn il-kisbiet nistghu inharsuhom u nsahhuhom. <![if !supportLineBreakNewLine]> <![endif]>

`Propju illum 28 t`April niftakru fl-avvenimenti ta` 44 sena ilu meta l-haddiem kien kostrett jinzel fit-toroq biex jibda l-glieda ghall-Indipendenza u l-Helsien`

Dan huwa s-sinjifikat veru tal-festa tal-haddiema. Niftakru fil-kruha taz-zmien meta l-barrani u erbgha sinjuri kienu jikkmandaw kollox f`pajjizna. Kienu sahansitra jikkonfoffaw mal-knisja biex permezz tad-dnub il-mejjet cahhdu lill-haddiem milli juza s-sahha kollettiva tieghu halli jtella` gvern li tassew jiddefendi l-interess tan-nies tax-xoghol. Niftakru fiz-zmien meta l-haddiem kien imcahhad mill-aktar drittijiet bazici ta` edukazzjoni, sahha, xoghol u dar fejn jghix. Niftakru kif bil-professjonisti, hassieba, negozjanti u luminarji kollha li kellu pajjizna kellha tkun il-qawwa kollettiva tal-haddiem wara l-gwerra biex feda lil pajjizna mill-kolonjalizmu u hargu mill-gwaj li biex jghix irid ikun theddida militari ghall-pajjizi girien taghna. Propju illum 28 t`April niftakru fl-avvenimenti ta` 44 sena ilu meta l-haddiem kien kostrett jinzel fit-toroq biex jibda l-glieda ghall-Indipendenza u l-Helsien. Izda n-nostalgija tal-passat mhix bizzejjed. Ma hemm l-ebda garanzija li dak li rbahna se nibqghu ngawduh. Anqas w`anqas li nistghu intejbuh. Ghandna gvern li ilu fil-poter hmistax-il sena. Bhal missier bla ghaqal nefaq il-gid kollu tal-familja u gabha mhedda b`falliment. Hafna milli taqla` l-familja trid thallsu imghax fuq id-dejn. Flok nonfqu l-flus biex ninvestu u biex intejbu l-livell tal-hajja tal-poplu qed nintaxxaw biex inhallsu l-imghax. Din il-gimgha iltqajt ma` hbieb tieghi mill-Argentina u qsamt maghhom hsibijiet biex nifhem it-tragedja li ghaddej minnha l-poplu Argentin. Ghax ma kellux gvern bil-ghaqal u ssellef biex jiekol u biex jillapazza l-problemi minflok jindirizzahom bis-serjet`, l-Argentina llum tinsab darha mal-hajt u ma qed tara l-ebda soluzzjoni. <![if !supportLineBreakNewLine]> <![endif]>

`f`jum il-haddiem irridu naghtu wirja ta` forza ghall-girja finali halli lil pajjiz naghtuh Gvern Laburista fi zmien qarib halli nigbduh minn xaghru mill-abbiss li altrimenti resqin lejh`

Bil-peso Argentin jitlef il-valur tieghu billi minn dollaru ghal kull peso issa sar tliet peso u nofs ghal kull dollaru, il-haddiem Argentin li ma jistax jiehu zieda fil-paga ser jara l-livell ta` l-ghixien tieghu jistabat. Il-haddiem Argentin ser jerga` jara l-faqar li jgib l-irvellijiet bil-possibilit` li l-uniku alternattiva terga` tkun sospensjoni tad-demokrazija u intervent min-naha tal-militar. Bil-problemi kollha taghna ghadna m`ahniex fi krizi bhal ta` l-Argentina. Izda jekk ma nibdlux ir-rotta hemm naslu, u l-kont ta` l-izbalji tal-gvern ikollu jhallsu l-haddiem. Dik hija r-realt` krudila. Ghalhekk f`jum il-haddiem irridu naghtu wirja ta` forza ghall-girja finali halli lil pajjiz naghtuh Gvern Laburista fi zmien qarib halli nigbduh minn xaghru mill-abbiss li altrimenti resqin lejh. Il-poplu qed jifhem u l-gvern tant hu konfuz li hlief jitgerfex f`saqajh stess mhux qed jaghmel. Minn mindu qala` t-taptipa fl-elezzjonijiet lokali ma jistax jirkupra mill-istordament li qabdu. L-istrategija li kostretti juzaw hija wahda qadima, skaduta u bla effett. Gew kostretti jergghu iqajjmu l-ispettru tal-vjolenza tas-snin tmenin forsi jirbhu lura xi ftit simpatija. <![if !supportLineBreakNewLine]> <![endif]>

`Nhar l-Erbgha l-Ewwel ta` Mejju il-haddiema ninghaqdu biex niehdu rankatura lejn Gvern Laburista gdid`

U marru ghand ta` l-UE u qalulhom li jekk mhux ser jghinuhom biex ma jkomplux jaqghu ghac-cajt mal-poplu Malti ser jitilfu r-referendum u l-elezzjoni. U ta` l-UE jidher li qed jifhmu li man-nazzjonalisti ma tistax torbot. U flok jghinuhom donnhom aktar qed ipogguhom ghal frisk. Ghax trid tithassar il-Prim Minsitru ta` Malta li kien weghdna Lm100 miljun shan shan kull sena mill-UE u issa li wasalna fi tmiem in-negozjati il-President tal-Kummissjoni Prodi serrhilna mohhna u qalilna li zgur mhux ser nohorgu aktar milli indahhlu. Il-ahwa x`differenza bejn indahhlu mitt miljun ghal li mhux ser nohorgu aktar milli ndahhlu! U issa qalilna wkoll li l-UE thares lejn Malta biex taghti sehma lejn is-sigurt` ta` l-Ewropa. Mela se nigu tajjeb! Se nidhlu membri, ma ndahhlu xejn, irridu nghidulhom grazzi talli ma nhallsux (ghalkemm jekk nixtru l-affarijiet ta` l-ikel bl-gholi xorta nkunu qed nohorgu minn gewwa) u bil-mod il-mod nizzerzqu biex nergghu insiru bazi militari u ta` dan ma niehdu xejn. Ta` l-anqas meta kellna l-bazi fi zmien 70 konna ndahhlu xi Lm30 miljun kull sena bejn kera u nfieq iehor. Issa ma ndahhlu xejn. Dak progress! Nhar l-Erbgha l-Ewwel ta` Mejju il-haddiema ninghaqdu biex niehdu rankatura lejn Gvern Laburista gdid li tassew imexxi bis-serjet` u fl-interess tal-Maltin u l-Ghawdxin.

Supporting the Enemy

The Malta Independent



Who could have imagined that French socialists will be supporting incumbent president Chirac to win another term of seven years at the Elysee when the final round of the presidential elections will be held on 5 May`



`These sort of impossibles are rendered probable in the political world when the alternative to supporting the enemy would be that of supporting a bigger enemy`

`These sort of impossibles are rendered probable in the political world when the alternative to supporting the enemy would be that of supporting a bigger enemy. But the outcome of last Sunday`s first round of the French presidential elections need some deep reflection. What sort of society is this that while endeavouring to forge a European Union from the Atlantic to the borders of Russia, nearly one-fifth of the electorate in France wish to have as their president an ultra nationalist like Le Pen` There is obviously a counter argument to this. The European integration process could be considered as the best guarantee to ensure that such extremism is kept in check. Just as the Haider party in Austria has been forced to jettison their worst ideologies by moral pressure from EU member countries, it is likely that in the final decisive round the French will vote to re-elect the `enemy` as president in preference to the bigger enemy, thus ensuring that such dangerous minority forces remain in check. This concept of supporting the `enemy` also is applicable on a global level. The events of 11 September have raised awareness of the risk of allowing the economic globalisation process entirely in the hands of market forces, which will strengthen the tension between the developed and developing world. <![if !supportLineBreakNewLine]> <![endif]>

`Only with governments and leaders who have national interest at heart and who are free from corruption can developing countries exploit their economic potential`

The developed world should be much more sensitive to the need of managing the process to ensure that it spreads democracy to areas where it is still resisted rather than to make democracy and liberalism (in the European sense) become the principal cause of poverty and inequality. While aid and trade are clearly necessary to achieve this objective, the only real sustainable system for development of poverty stricken countries of the under-developed world is the harnessing, cultivation and release of their inner strengths. To help these countries get the leadership they truly deserve. Only with governments and leaders who have national interest at heart and who are free from corruption can developing countries exploit their economic potential and use their collective international weight against the formidable economic power of developed countries. The question is whether developed countries are prepared to allow this to happen or whether they want to continue to premise that weak governments and corruption in developing countries serve to preserve the developed world`s economic supremacy. To continue doing next to nothing to remove these real blockers for balanced global economic development. Economics is not a zero sum game. Development of the less developed world and eradication of poverty will bring wealth also to the developed countries that alone can supply the investment equipment needed for such development. So we also need better leaders in the developed world who can truly take an international perspective and not purely a nationalistic one. Leaders of developed world countries have an obligation that goes well beyond the shores of their jurisdiction and this is why Chirac, with all his sleaze, is a million times better than Le Pen. On the local front it is time for this country to reach political maturity and for our political parties to start including notions of supporting the enemy. Hence my proposal to precede the EU referendum with a general election and for both parties to commit themselves to honour an eventual referendum, which can be held without the pressure of an election. A referendum before the election that would be coming soon thereafter, can only be considered a stepping stone and consequently controversial and partisan.

Referendum Dishonesty

maltastar.com

The weekend message by the PN reveals concern that the EU issue is slipping out of their hands.

As the process passes from the general to the specific, former off-handed pro-EU sympathisers are getting concerned by the thick layer of cosmetics the government is having to apply to put a brave face on the issue.

“People have good reason to question whether in fact they are being given the sugar coating before the sour taste of the pill eventually emerges“

And these cosmetics, strangely enough, came in the form of price reductions which in other times would have guaranteed the government applause and support. But being bitten by undelivered promises of easy flow of Lm100 million p.a. from the EU, people thankfully seem to have learned to accept nothing at face value.

How could a government strapped with huge fiscal deficit and an energy corporation which has projected a net loss for the current financial year, afford to lower the price of petrol when the international price of oil has increased, and sharply so? How could the government create the mirage of lower prices for local agricultural produce which will start being subsidised by direct payments from our tax money, when prices for imported food commodities will have to be increased upon membership?

People have good reason to question whether in fact they are being given the sugar coating before the bitter taste of the pill eventually emerges. And they are reacting against insults to their intelligence.

The same applies to the question of the referendum. The weekend brought appeals from all quarters for consensus on the EU issue. Even the bishops thought this was imperative though they steered clear from saying on which side the consensus should fall.

“But the general election should not be automatic mandate for EU membership “

The Prime Minister said that Labour should sacrifice their view to reach consensus on the government‘s point of view in favour of membership. It did not even cross the Prime Minister’s mind that consensus may also be reached on the point of view of the Opposition for a special relationship. Or indeed if consensus on either position is impossible we could do what most people do in such circumstances where consensus is necessary but unachievable. We could reach a consensus on the status quo and re-visit the matter in a couple of years’ time in the light of unfolding circumstances.

And particular circumstances should unfold in the next two years. On the local front we will have a general election. If Labour wins, as is quite likely, we are just wasting a lot of energy and money for nothing. Labour will slow down or freeze the membership process while it negotiates the partnership proposal. It would be far more preferable to do so without having a referendum in the bag even if the referendum result were to be the most favourable for Labour’s current position.

“The Prime Minister has a unique opportunity to prove he really wants national unity on the EU.“

If on the other hand the PN were to be forgiven all domestic failures and get re-elected, then the position would be quite resolved, whatever the consequences. And yes the Prime Minister is right. Even if this were to happen the government would still need to hold a referendum even though the referendum outcome would then be almost a forgone conclusion.

But the general election should not be an automatic mandate for EU membership. Joining the EU is an irreversible decision binding not just the next government but presumably all future governments. This requires a specific decision in a referendum which is held at some distance from the general election to allow proper focus and to avoid voting strictly along party lines.

The government’s wants to have the referendum just before an election as a political tool to weaken the opposition for the election which would come hot on heels of the referendum. So in the same breath that the Prime Minister is pleading for national consensus and for taking the referendum outside the political arena, he himself is planning to use the referendum as the last remaining tool to save his party’s skin at the next election.

The only possible solution which is truly in the national interest is the following:

• Consensus on the status quo and to re-visit the EU issue after the next general election

• Consensus on an EU referendum following the elections and upon termination of accession negotiation, if the elected government proceeds with the quest for membership.

• Holding an election as soon as practical to ensure that an eventual referendum before accession could be held at a considerable distance from the election to guarantee focus on the issue and a non-partisan suffrage

By that time things would have possibly unfolded even externally, with progress in the convention on the future of the EU taking some shape to suggest whether we could be joining a flexible EU of diversity or a rigid central federalist EU, where as a small nation state on the southern periphery of Europe we would have little prospect for sovereign survival.

The Prime Minister has a unique opportunity to prove he really wants national unity on the EU. The opportunity to hold an early election whilst EU negotiations are still in progress so that this country can elect a government with a mandate term long enough to execute its policies and to give the country a definite sense of direction. Anything less than this is just opportunism and empty talk about consensus when in fact they mean submission.

Twenty Five

The Malta Independent on Sunday

The PN celebrated Dr. Fenech Adami’s silver anniversary of party leadership.   Indeed it is normal and opportune to celebrate 25 years of anything let alone the holding of such an important position for so long.

“History is generously loaded with examples of political achievers who could not accept the reality that their time was up”

But beyond the emotions involved, what is the true significance of such an event?   As proper, such occasions should serve both for analysis of past performance as well as an assessment of future relevance.

In finance and investment it is emphatically stated that past performance is no guarantee of future success.  The future is very rarely a straight extension of past trend lines.   In politics it is not different.    History is generously loaded with examples of political achievers who could not accept the reality that their time was up; that they have achieved whatever they could and that further achievements require properties and style which are different from their own.   Their holding on regardless often leads to the disassembly of whatever they had succeeded in putting together in the first place.

Fenech Adami’s achievements as a party leader are unchallengeable.   He converted the PN from a detached party of advocates and doctors to a mainstream party which has occupied the majority of the middle ground under his leadership.    The same middle ground that was swelled in numbers by Labour’s achievements of the seventies.  Achievements in eradicating poverty and knitting a social net that ensures a respectable minimum to the right to education, housing and health based on social and not just financial merits.

“When benchmarked against Cyprus and Singapore, under Fenech Adami Malta has lost substantial ground”

 He won, in voting majority terms, four of the five general lections he contested as party leader.  This is as fine a record as anyone could aspire for.

But when judged in terms of his achievement as a statesman as distinct from that of party leader, is his record as enviable?   My judgement is that it is not. History will judge Fenech Adami as the main contributor to the erosion of the nation’s inner strength to be itself with pride and dignity, and to base its existence on the efficient and judicious use of limited resources in order to ensure sound and sustainable economic growth.

What are often termed as economic achievements are the results of reckless spending concepted on the money no problem mentality for which the country is paying an exorbitantly high price in terms of the debt servicing burden it now has to carry.  Economic growth has stalled and as the Governor Bonello emphasised is well below the level needed to progress to EU standards in a reasonable time.  Indeed it is inadequate to maintain the social structure that we already have.

“His continued negation of a financial deficit of monstrous proportions which was engineered under his premiership questions his political honesty.”

 When benchmarked against Cyprus and Singapore, under Fenech Adami Malta has lost substantial ground.   Problems have been avoided rather than addressed.   Short termism has been the hallmark, often writing a cheque from our tax money to buy a politically convenient short term solutions which leaves the underlying problem perfectly not addressed in spite of the burning of so many resources.   The shipyards bear testimony of this irresponsible approach.   The stagnation of tourism development and the failure to build a film industry in spite of our merits are evidence of Malta’s inability, under Fenech Adami’s leadership, to grasp opportunities and to stay ahead of times.

On the political front of statesmanship Fenech Adami has shown great weakness in accepting democracy when the electoral judgement goes against him.   In the three terms when he served as  leader of the opposition he showed clear disregard for the government mandate and did not understand the basic element that the opposition is meant to oppose  not obstruct.

While one can understand his behaviour in the period of 1982-1987 certainly his boycotting of parliament exceeded all democratic limits.    His failure to endorse Alfred Sant’s new non-partisan way of doing politics that was the hallmark of the short Labour government of 1996 –1998, is likely to have prolonged extreme partisanship in Malta’s political scene much longer than it needed to.  His continued negation of a financial deficit of monstrous proportions which was engineered under his premiership questions his political honesty.

“The country needs an election to ensure we don’t continue to waste time”

 And yet again even in the twilight of his political career Fenech Adami is giving further evidence of the lack of statesmanship; that for him it is the party before the country.

By insisting on holding an EU referendum concurrently or before a general election which would have to follow in a matter of months, it is clear that Fenech Adami is using the EU issue to leverage his party’s chances to retain power.

A statesman would accept that the  EU issue should not be a partisan affair, although political parties have their own views.  To ensure that the voters approach it in the national interest and be at liberty to differ from their political party sentiments the referendum should be held after the general election and with some distance away from it to ensure that minds are focussed simply on this issue which could irreversibly change the whole political landscape of this country.

Statesmen make decisions which may be against their own party’s narrow interest, although on a long term wider perspective this is rarely so.    Labour gave a meaning to this when in 1987 they changed the constitution which basically gave the legal administration of the country over to the PN.

It is time for Fenech Adami to feel the need to be remembered for statesmanship and not just for party leadership.  The country needs an election to ensure we don’t continue to waste time.   To ensure that it takes the decisions it responsibly needs and that can only be inspired by a properly mandated government and not by one that promises an easy flow of Lm100 million from the EU which never materialised and never will.

Ara min irid Jitkellem

Il-Kullhadd


Jekk kien hemm bzonn prova ta` kemm in-nazzjonalisti jinsabu darhom mal-hajt hadniha mhux biss mir-rizultat ta` l-elezzjonijiet lokali izda mil-fatt li hassew il-bzonn li jergghu jaqalghu l-iskeletru tal-vjolenza li batew minnha meta kienu fl-oppozizzjoni.

`Ta` l-irgulija lil Alfred Sant pattewielu bi tradiment`



Tkazaw li Alfred Sant ma ghamilx apologija tal-vjolenza taz-zmien sebghin u tmenin.

Hemm bzonn li l-affarijiet narawhom fil-perspettiva taghhom. Il-vjolenza hija kundannabbli dejjem.` `Alfred Sant dan wettqu bil-provi u bil-fatti u mhux b`apoligiji facli.

U talli kien ragel gie abbuzat. Ghax in-nazzjonalisti serrhu mohhom mil-vjolenza uzaw il-poter li ghandhom fix-xibka wiesgha ta` poter biex rewwhu u ghawwru sa ma waqqghu gvern laburista elett demokratikament. Ta` l-irgulija lil Alfred Sant pattewielu bi tradiment.

Ma nahsibx li ghandu jkun hemm xi problema biex tigi kundannata l-vjolenza ta` kull zmien. Izda ejja ma nkunux semplicistici. Il-vjolenza taht gvernijiet laburisti tas-snin sebghin u tmenin ma gietx minn naha wahda. Il-bombi li splodew wara bieb ta` hafna li hadmu mal-gvern laburista b`mod onest ma nahsibx li poggewhom il-laburisti.



` Poplu religjuz bhalna x`tista taghmillu aktar kattiv milli tilghabha tal-Missier Etern u tikkunddanah ghall-infern`

`Il-bomba li qatlet lil Karin Grech ma bghatuhiex il-laburisti.` U kollox ma kollox dawn kienu avvinmenti sparodici li kundanabbli kemm huma kundanabbli jibqghu xoghol il-ftit fuq il-ftit.

Izda id-dnub il-mejjet tas-snin sittin mhux hekk. Dan kien sforz organizzat mic-celluli tal-poter biex izommu barra mil-gvern lil partit laburista li ried tassew jiddefendi l-interessi tal-maltin.

Poplu religjuz bhalna x`tista taghmillu aktar kattiv milli tilghabha tal-Missier Etern u tikkunddanah ghall-infern, tidfnu fil-mizbla, izzewwgu fis-sagristija u ccahhdu mis-sagramenti Din kienet vjolenza organizzata u istituzzjonalizzata, ha nuza kelma ghal qalb in-nazzjonalisti, li rredikolat id-demokrazija li suppost ksibna bl-indipendenza li zgurat li zghir jibqa` maghaffeg, injurat u jekk jista jkun jitqabbad l-ewwel vapur lejn l-Awstralja bil-banda b`kollox.

Dan mhux xoghol il-ftit fuq il-ftit. Dan xoghol corma elitisti maghzula li uzaw ripressjoni fuq il-kotra.

Min huma maghrufa. Hemm min kellu l-kuragg, bhal Knisja, li jammetti htijietu u jitlob mahfra.



` Mhux ta` b`xejn lin-nazzjonalisti tant dejjaqhom Xtaqt Habbejtek li bbojkotaw diskussjonijiet fuq Super One u nehhew il-bojkott biss wara li spicca dan it-teleserial `

`Izda in-nazzjonalisti li gawdew l-aktar, dawn qatt ma talbu apologija lill-laburisti maltin li tant batew oppressjoni u vjolenza. Minn fuq iridu apologija ta` nuqqasijiet` izghar li ghamlu `l ftit fuq il-ftit.

`Ghax ma nibdewx bil-kbir l-ewwel Mhux ta` b`xejn lin-nazzjonalisti tant dejjaqhom Xtaqt Habbejtek li bbojkotaw diskussjonijiet fuq Super One u nehhew il-bojkott biss wara li spicca dan it-teleserial. Jiddejqu minn ifakkarhom fuq il-hnizrijiet tas-snin sittin.

Dal-pajjiz irid jimxi `l quddiem.` Ma jistax jibqa` jghix fil-bierah kemm jekk tas-sittin jew tat-tmenin. Quddiemu ghandu problemi mhux zghar frott l-inkompetenza ta` hmistax il-sena ta` tmexxija nazzjonalista fejn tassew imxew bil-kuncett fallaci li l-flus mhux problema.

Wasal zmien il-kontijiet.` Il-poplu Malti beda gej f`sensih. Il-poplu malti qed jitlob soluzzjoni veri u prattici bl-anqas tbatija possibbli. Dan jista` jghatihulu biss gvern laburista wara l-elezzjoni li jmiss. In-nazzjonalisti qed joffru biss l-UE li toffri is-soluzzjoni taghha li ma tiehux konsiderazzjoni tar-rejalta` li nghixu fiha ahna l-Maltin u biex il-htija tat-tbatija taqa` fuq l-UE u mhux fuq in-nazzjonalisti li holqu l-problema.

Jekk nahdmu sew u nioqghu maghqudin u nirbhu l-immaginazzjoni tal-poplu Malti mhux biss nirbhu l-elezzjoni li gejja b`margni akbar minn` tas-96, izda noffru tnexxija cara, effettiva u ispirata biex lil pajjizna nohorguh mis-saram li dahhaluna fih, u biex jerga jghix fil-paci mieghu innifsu u mal-girien.

U dan isir malajr u bla ma jbatu dawk li ilhom ibatu hafna u li ma jifilhux ibatu izjed. Dawn jehtiegu rifugju li jista jghatihulhom biss gvern laburista li jitla; wara l-elezzjoni li jmiss.

Alfred Mifsud

Maltese Consensus Church Style

The Times of Malta


The Maltese bishops feel that in the eyes of Europe and the world Malta is a divided nation.` They appealed to political parties to act in the national interest by reaching a consensus on the European Union issue.

`Normally were consenus is required and it is unobtainable for whatever reason, the status quo prevails.`



By implication, through exercising their democratic right to hold genuinely different views over the issue, the government and/or the opposition are acting against the national interest. This is unfair and untrue.

The bishops do not indicate on which side of the debate the consensus should fall. Normally were consensus is required and it is unobtainable for whatever reason, the status quo prevails.

So reaching consensus on a status quo, even if for a limited period of time until the whole matter can be reviewed in the light of unfolding circumstances, could indeed be a wise and practical solution.

But accusing anybody who holds a different point of view of harming the country`s interest or that the country could be harmed by the inability to achieve consensus is unnecessarily alarmist.

I am presently attending an international seminar on the reform of international institutions to give a human face to the globalisation process.` I am in company of several delegates coming from existing and prospective country members of the EU.

`I have yet to meet anyone who considers our vigorous debate on EU membership as harmful to the country`s interest.` Indeed most consider it healthy and beneficial.`



I have yet to meet anyone who considers our vigorous debate on EU membership as harmful to the country`s interest.` Indeed most consider it healthy and beneficial.

Especially the colleagues from candidate countries well understand the different circumstances prevailing in Malta which explains our taking a different point of view. A colleague from the Baltic States explains that the real reason why they want to join is security and if NATO moves quicker than the EU to offer membership then the politcal cause for EU membership will be considerably devalued.

`Another colleague from a former communist country explains that public support for EU membership is waning considerably once the agricultural benefits which were implied in membership are being substantially diluted by what is being offered during negotiations on the agricultural chapter.

They well understand that in coming to a final decision about EU membership Malta has to ask where is the beef And indeed with existing free access of our industrial manufactures, our minute agricultural sector which holds no hope of accessing EU markets, obscure prospects of any net funding benefits (as a country, not simply at government level) it is difficult to perceive any real tangible benefit.

And these are issues that need to be discussed and not approached dogmatically as the bishops are often accustomed to do. Consensus with dogma is easy to reach.` But dogma has no place outside religion. Hence consensus may be difficult in the economic and political world and has to be worked for earnestly and gradually without accusing opponents as harming the national interest.

`Consensus with dogma is easy to reach.` But dogma has no place outside religion`



Proponents of EU membership tend to justify their position by pretending that the recognition and security offered by membership will increase the flow of FDI and thus enhance our economic performance.` Opponents suggest that the higher cost base offered by membership will scare away both prospective as well as existing investment and that the recognition and security benefits could be achieved by negotiating a partnership deal with the EU,` the way Switzerland and others have done.

My position for the latter proposal is known. But I am not dogmatic about it and keep myself open to be convinced otherwise if circumstances should change. I am certainly not accusing holders of the former proposal as failing the national interest.

If any such failing exist it is only by their not giving due priority to the domestic problems and pinning all solutions onto EU membership when really the structural adjustment necessary depends on our inner strengths, will and leadership.

From a Distance

The Malta Independent


Things are looked at more objectively when seen from a distance. Thirty-six years ago Malta`s first election as an independent state was most undemocratic when one committed a mortal sin in reading, listening and voting Labour.` For all the division it caused at the time, there is, at a distance, general agreement that that was bad and condemnable.

`Arguments that Malta would be able to veto decisions not in our national interest are fallacious`



How will we look at the current debate about Malta`s EU membership 10 or 20 years down the road`

When deciding on the issue the long-term considerations cannot be neglected.` It is an irreversible decision that will bind successive governments. Arguments that Malta would be able to veto decisions not in our national interest are fallacious. Throughout its existence the EU has been on an unstoppable journey to impose uniformity throughout the Union. What started as an economic community was turned into a general community with co-operation well beyond the economic field and eventually turned into a Union with a common currency.

The momentum to turn the Union into a political one with a common defence and foreign policy takes little imagination to identify. The sustainability of a monetary union without a fiscal union, uniformity or at least harmonisation is in the long term, at best, doubtful.



`would Malta be able to resist the demand of the Union to put its military and defence values at the disposal of the Union

`What would Malta as a member of such Union look like in 10 or 20 years time` Consider this scenario.` As the Union gradually develops into a political force it has to do what every political force normally does.` It strengthens its frontiers especially where it is most vulnerable. With Russia now embracing capitalism and willing to consider even a partnership with NATO, the most vulnerable front remains its southern flank with a swelling number of Muslims feeling under-privileged by their rich Christian northern neighbours.

In this scenario would Malta be able to resist the demand of the Union to put its military and defence values at the disposal of the Union` And if this happens what fate would tourism and industry have on a small island without internal market which would look like a fully armoured air-craft carrier`

And if we have to be economically obliged to use our defence and strategic values to earn our living would it not be more economically expedient to go for a rent agreement model 1972-1979, rather than giving up our sovereignty leaving us no chips to negotiate with`

`The scenario I dream is that of` a disciplined nation with a Singapore style economy trading with the whole world as a competitive island state whilst preserving its own identity`



Contrary to what many think MLP was not against independence in 1964. Quite the contrary! The MLP wanted an unconditional independence to be able to negotiate a defence and financial agreement as a new sovereign state. The PN on the other hand accepted a conditional independence that was packaged with a defence agreement that took away in practice much of what was given in theory.

Do we have to put the clock back to pre-1964 by denying this young nation the only card (it strategic and defence values) it has to leverage a decent living in a highly competitive and globalised world`

The scenario I dream is that of` a disciplined nation with a Singapore style economy trading with the whole world as a competitive island state whilst preserving its own identity and keeping its strategic properties as a card to leverage value in making deals which its richer neighbours.

Looked at from a distance my conviction grows.

Alfred Mifsud

Forgiving Success

Maltastar

Sometimes I get caught into problems that I can’t understand.   Can’t understand why people behave the way they do which seems irrational and self-defeating but still causes problems to honest fellow citizens.

“Enthusiasm is the yeast that makes your hopes rise to the stars. Enthusiasm is the sparkle in your eye, it is the swing in your gait, the grip of your hand..”

Then quite often when I am reading something as if by pure magic there lies the answer, black on white.    I was reading a report in the Financial Times of Thursday 11^th April 2002 which carried a service about the commercial success of Ferrari, the only current bright commercial spot in the FIAT group.   

Luca di Montezemolo refused an offer to join the cabinet of Berlusconi to keep his post at the helm of Ferrari and is planning to float the company’s shares and to  take more mileage from franchising the company’s  brand which is one of the 10 most  recognized brands in the world,  and this without really trying.

Obviously the success on the Formula Uno track, which took perseverance, patience and hard work to keep the team together and keep enthusiasm at high pitch even when the results on the circuit were not coming in, is now generating enhanced revenue flows and fat bottom lines.

They have a 30 months long order book for the exclusive sports cars which carry many features of the racing car, and the annual production has been capped at 4400 units to preserve the scarcity value of the product.

“In working towards Labour’s great victory at the next general election the Party has to be capable to acknowledge and reward success and at the same time to withstand those that will not forgive it its own success”

Montezemolo is not afraid of sounding corny. Every employee who joins Ferrari receives from the chairman a poem printed on a card sporting the familiar Ferrari horse logo. "The real secret of success is enthusiasm," it starts. "Enthusiasm is the yeast that makes your hopes rise to the stars. Enthusiasm is the sparkle in your eye,it is the swing in your gait, the grip of your hand . . ."it goes on. "Enthusiasm is at the bottom of all progress. With it there is accomplishment. Without it there are only alibis," it ends

Oh I said t myself, this is just the way I work.   Wherever I go I  bring enthusiasm and commitment and I  instil them in all those around me.   Without general enthusiasm for the work and for the final objective and without an across the board commitment, from the chairman to the janitor, results will just not come.

I did it when I was a junior clerk at the bank, I did it when I set up my private management consultancy and helped businesses  like Tumas Group undertake single-handedly such mega project as  Portomaso , I did it at Mid-Med Bank when I went back as Chairman and recently I had the privilege to do it again during my 30 odd month assignment as Chairman at Super One.

But is enthusiasm and commitment enough?   And as I was pondering this point there was the answer ready for the reading.

Quote

“When you have won everything you only risk losing”, (said Montezemolo) adding that “Enzo Ferrari (the company’s late founder) once told me that everywhere, particularly in Italy, everybody will forgive you everything except success.  It is a lesson I will not forget.  So I try to do my best, with passion, but sometimes I feel tired” Montezemolo admits.

Unquote

How true.   Everyone will forgive you anything but success.   I repeated it to myself a hundred time that night and it was the explanation for people’s irrational behaviour purely because I happen to be good at doing my job.   It explains why I often have to quit certain jobs right when the results start to show.     Nobody comes forward for the hard work but  there are many sharers for the glory.   While failure and hard work are generally children in orphanage, success has many fathers.

Real success however demand being able to withstand those that cannot stomach your own success and keep working for further achievements leaving behind running on the spot those who waste their energies in putting obstacles rather then in being creative in devising new achievements.

In working towards Labour’s great  victory at the next general election the Party has to be capable to acknowledge and reward success and at the same time to withstand those that will not forgive it its own success.

1998 must be a lesson we learn from and move on to higher platforms.

Xibka Mqatta

Il-Kullhadd



Kien hemm zmien meta ix-xibka ta` servizzi socjali kienet tigbor fiha lil dawk l-aktar dghajfa fis-socjeta u ma thallihomx ibatu l-faqar. Spicca.



`L-ispejjez jizdiedu meta d-dhul jonqos u wara li jittiekel it-tifdil tal-passat jibda` faqar li jekk ma naghmlu xejn ser jerga` jitfa t-tallaba fit-toroq`

Illum din ix-xibka nfaqghet u qed jinbet mill-gdid il-faqar.` Kull fejn hemm il-mard tista` tghid hemm il-faqar. Is-servizzi pubblici tas-sahha mhumiex ilahhqu u minn m`ghandux minn fejn qed ikollu jbati. Il-mard johloq problema doppja.` L-ewwel il-problema ta` l-ispejjez tal-kura.` U t-tieni il-problema li min jikkura ma jistax johrog jahdem biex jaqla` l-ghixien. L-ispejjez jizdiedu meta d-dhul jonqos u wara li jittiekel it-tifdil tal-passat jibda` faqar li jekk ma naghmlu xejn ser jerga` jitfa t-tallaba fit-toroq.

S`issa it-tallaba bdew ifittxu il-mezzi godda ta` komunikkzjoni permezz ta` programmi bhal Problemi tal-Qalb.` Jekk ma jsir xejn in-numru tant ser jikber li nergghu naraw it-tallaba bieb bieb.

L-istess jista` jinghad ghal familja fejn il-mara ma tistax tahdem, specjalment fejn ikun hemm hemm hafna tfal. Paga wahda saret impossibbli tghajjex familja. U b`hafna haddiema jiehdu flus inqas id-dar habba zieda fit-taxxi u tnaqqis fl-overtime u shift allowances, familji bhal dawn m`humiex ilahhqu. Tarahom iqanqcu tant li hafna drabi il-paga li tkun diehla tkun diga dejn ma tal-hanut u biex ihallsu kont tad-dawl jew tat-telefon iridu jistennew ic-Children`s Allowance.



`Harsu lejn l-HSBC. Araw ftit il-kuxjenza socjali.` Niftahru li baxxejna r-rati ta` l-imghax ghal min jissellef biex jixtri villa bil-pool u gnien kbir b`hames kmamar tas-sodda izda mbaghad niccargjaw 75c lil pensjonant talli jsarraf ic-cekk tal-pensjoni`

Jixraqlu pajjiz li jiftahar mal-barranin kemm ahna sinjuri ikollna nies hekk` Fi zmien Mintoff mal-barranin konna niftahru kemm ahna fqar u naraw kif ser nakkwistaw xi haga.` U dan meta konna qtajna t-tallba u in-nies bdew jghixu ta` sinjuri zghar. Veru mcahhdin mill-ghazla izda konna protetti mis-saram socjali tal-faqar u t-tallaba.

Illum bil-kontra.` Illum niftahru mal-barranin kemm ahna sinjuri, insiefru b`jet executive ha nimpressjonaw, u flok nakkwistaw xi haga minn ghand il-barrani sinjur, lesti nhallsu minn gewwa ha nidhlu fil-club tas-sinjuri meta ghandna il-fqar ma saqajna. Il-flus tat-taxxi flok inhallsuhom servizzi socjali u servizzi tas-sahha qed inhallsuhom imghax fuq il-muntanja tad-dejn li bnejna tinten daqs il-muntanja rejali ta` l-iskart fil-Maghtab.

U bil-privatizzazzjoni li qed jaghmel il-gvern qed ikabbar il-problema socjali. Harsu lejn l-HSBC. Araw ftit il-kuxjenza socjali.` Niftahru li baxxejna r-rati ta` l-imghax ghal min jissellef biex jixtri villa bil-pool u gnien kbir b`hames kmamar tas-sodda izda mbaghad niccargjaw 75c lil pensjonant talli jsarraf ic-cekk tal-pensjoni. U ghal pensjonant dawn huma flus kbar li jkomplu jnaqqru mil-ftit li fadallu.

Anke f`dak li hu self. Appena fabbrika tidhol fi problemi niftakar fi zmien il-Mid-Med Bank konna naghmlu sforz genwin biex insibu soluzzjoni anke jekk kultant niehdu ftit sogru izjed fejn jidhrilna li fabbrika nistghu insalvawha.` Konna anke ghamilna sussidjarja apposta biex tispecjalizz fil-venture capital ghal dawk il-kazi ta` self` fejn ir-riskju kien jitlob li nzommu kontroll permezz ta` ishma u rapprezentanza fil-bord.

Illum kollox jaqta ghad-dritt.` Min ghandu problemi ma tantx se jsib il-banek maltin joffru xi soluzzjoni li tinvolvihom f`riskju.` Min ghandux flus jaghlaq u x`jitmellhu mill-ekonomija tal-pajjiz u mill-haddiema li jkollhom hobzhom mhedded.

Mhux ta` b`xejn kullhadd donnhom qata` qalbu.` U tisma l-Prim Ministru jitkellem tahseb li kollox ward u zahar u li kollox mixi fuq ir-rubini u tibda tiddubita jekk hawn zewg rejaltijiet f`Malta ` dik li jghixu in-nies tal-poter u l-gurnalisti li jincensawhom u li dejjem jiffukaw fuq id-difetti tal-labour tal-passat u ta` issa,` u ir-rejalta qarsa li qed jghixu in-nies tax-xoghol li donnu ghalihom l-arlogg rega dar lura ghal qabel l-1971. U jekk thares fil-port taghna u tara l-bicciet tal-gwerra tasal biex temmen li hekk hu.

Ix-xibka tqattet u bhal ma jigri dejjem se jbati iz-zghir.

Alfred Mifsud

Yesterday`s Children

The Malta Independent


Yesterday`s children are now grown adults. Those whom` former Minister of Finance Bonello Dupuis condemned` to bear the burden of debt produced by 15 years of reckless spending, are now voting adults trying to make ends meet as inflation and taxes eat away the purchasing power of their wages.

`Minister of Finance Bonello Dupuis condemned` to bear the burden of debt produced by 15 years of reckless spending, are now voting adults`

And fearing the rage of these former children who can now reason with their vote, as well demonstrated in the local election, the government is boxed in a corner with no serious answer to the country`s ills.` Instead it tries to wipe the egg off its face by such sentimental arguments that the burden of past excesses being demanded from yesterday`s children, is necessary in the interest of tomorrow`s children.

But as if the absurdity of that argument is not enough, it was also necessary to bring back the skeletons of the 80`s violence from the cupboard.` Sort of saying that for all the present failings we are today much better off than in the days of the 80`s during the third consecutive Labour legislature of 1982-1987 when democracy was threatened by oppression of minorities.

Now I am the first to condemn without reservation` the violence and oppression that occurred during the period.` But this is 2002! No matter how bad the 1980`s violence was it is no comparison to the general oppression suffered by the Labourites in the 1960`s.` But the same way the eighties violence cannot by justified by the sixties oppression, government` is scraping the bottom of the barrel trying to justify to yesterday`s children current failings by the eighties violence. And then can anyone seriously believe that that violence was one-sided and that Labour government had any interest in exploding bombs on the doorsteps of some of its key collaborators.

`a government in its third term is often a bad experience. This lesson is being currently re-learnt. A fourth term would be disastrous and yesterday`s children know it and mean it`

What yesterday`s children are concerned about today is that they feel insecure in their job, that they are receiving much higher utility bills, that their standard of living is being eroded by inflation and taxes, that they have to survive in one of the worst environments in any civilized country and that the quality of life of their family is being eroded by the condemnation to life-long debt servicing to own a simple residence.

I detest the political and religious oppression of the sixties when it was a mortal sin to read, listen, think and vote Labour. I might find a bit more consolation if the PN Leader were to make a public apology for this behaviour, emulating the Archbishop, particularly as the PN was the major beneficiary of this oppression. This step would enhance his credentials to demand from Labour an apology for the eighties violence, which though equally detestable was much more limited in scale and intensity and was certainly not one-sided.

But I detest most of all expired` politicians seeking to cover up their failings by raising selectively those yesterday`s specters that suit them to tone down the rage that yesterday`s children feel for being forced to bear the burden of their father`s irresponsible financial management.

The eighties thought us that a government in its third term is often a bad experience. This lesson is being currently re-learnt. A fourth term would be disastrous and yesterday`s children know it and mean it.

Cash (non) Flow 2

Maltastar


Having analysed last week the causes of the serious cash flow problems afflicting the business sector I keep my promise this week to analyse and suggest some solutions.

`Before a problem can be solved firstly steps must be taken to contain it and stop it from getting worse`

Difficult problems resulting from accumulation over long years of misplaced economic priorities have no easy quick fix lasting solutions. Ultimately the cash flow problem can only be solved through regeneration of economic growth which would restore profitability and confidence to make the cash flow business cycle turn again with` momentum.

Clearly this is easier said then done.` But let me outline three important points which are necessary to restore business confidence even if this can only be done over a long period of time.

Controlling over-capacity from the supply side

Before a problem can be solved firstly steps must be taken to contain it and stop it from getting worse.` It is therefore important that new investment, especially that targeted for production of goods and service to be consumed by the domestic market, should not be encouraged if it only serves to increase the over-supply.

I am therefore quite in agreement with the credit policy recently adopted by the` main banks not to finance new projects unless there is a strong cash contribution to the investment cost by the promoters. Perhaps this policy ought to be applied less rigidly where the project is earmarked for export market or for the tourism sector ( which is an indirect export).

Helping existing project who are suffering from cyclical problems

`Banks should stop trying to get blood out of a stone by making impossible repayment and security conditions`

This is where banks are failing. Rigid policies regarding new projects does not mean that the same rigidity should be applied to existing projects where the investment has already been made and the project is finding cash flow difficulties to service its commitments with the banks.

Banks here have to be very judicious in estimating whether the difficulties are cyclical or structural. In case of structural difficulties where the problems result from not carefully thought out` projects or incompetent management, banks have no business to prolong existence through continued avoidance of economic reality.` Banks cannot be expected to risk their own capital and their depositors funds in projects that do not present a reasonable expectation for economic viability in the medium term,` even when the macro-economic situation returns to normality.

On the other hand,` for projects that are undergoing cyclical cash flow problems,` banks have to be more than lenient as these project need to be around to push the economy forward when normality re-establishes itself.

Banks should stop trying to get blood out of a stone by making impossible repayment and security conditions and by increasing the interest burden at a time when businesses need help not obstacles to quicken the bounce from the bottom of the cycle.

The banks` insensitivity in such cases is prolonging the economic downturn and making recovery that much harder,` as new investors are scared off and existing investors are disheartened right when they need to be encouraged and supported.

Credit regulations

`The last suggestion I make to ease the cash flow problem is the promulgation of credit regulations`

The last suggestion I make to ease the cash flow problem is the promulgation of credit regulations.` These are now being adopted by many countries, including the EU and such regulations are particularly helpful to small businesses that cannot compete with the big business that offers extended credit terms.

Such regulations would provide that for regular business transactions regarding ordinary recurrent supplies ( as against investment` supplies for capital expenditure where one can understand that extended credit terms have to be offered) the credit period would by law have to be stipulated at a short number of days ( normally 45 days) and that it would be a sue-able offence for anyone not to pay a recurrent due within 45 days from the underlying date of` supply.

Credit regulations would also provide for payment record` information to be more accessible to the public under controlled circumstances, to ensure that the grantors of credit can base their` judgment on an informed basis regarding the payment record of the prospective client.

Above all

`Clearly this cannot be done by the present fatigued administration`

But above all the cash flow problem can only be resolved if the above three suggestions are framed within a much larger economic recovery plan which is championed by the government and commands the support of employers and unions in due acknowledgement that failure to engineer a recovery would be damning for all.

Clearly this cannot be done by the present fatigued administration and if they truly believe in the protection of our children from the economic collapse which they are so expertly creating, then they should admit that they lost creativity and zest, and make space for a new administration that is rearing to go.

As for the EU project, it, like heaven, can wait.

Surprised by the Obvious

The Malta Independent on Sunday



With the local elections out of the way with maximum damage, the government and PN strategists need plenty of thought and discussion to see how their overstay in power and the EU accession project could be saved from a similar fate.

`Like a fruit out of season it would be wrong to pick it off its tree before the mature season`

All sorts of permutations have started being thrown up for consideration.` A referendum to be followed by a general election, a referendum and a general election in one suffrage outturn, or a straight general election which in so far as the EU issue is concerned would also be a referendum. A fourth option would be a general election to be followed by a referendum if the elected government wishes to pursue the EU membership project.

One ought to hope that decisions are taken in the national interest and not purely in the interest of the party that happens to have the right to take such decisions.

And I have been saying it ad nauseam that a referendum before the election which would in any event be due in a matter of months is not in the national interest.

As a Labour candidate this could be easily interpreted as fear of losing the referendum that prejudice the party`s prospects in the following elections. Whilst this interpretation comes easy, my motivations are different. And anybody who has been following my writing ought to know it.

All those who blame the disastrous local election results on the mediocre state of the national economy (it`s the economy stupid syndrome) ought to know that the chances of a referendum being won by the forces against the yes vote (the no`s; the don`t know;` the don`t care; the protest vote) in a straight referendum are not small.

But this is not in the national interest as it would close for a long number of years the possibility of membership at a time when the EU may have to reform itself into a flexible model permitting membership on the partnership lines promoted by the MLP.

Before the electors are presented with a straight yes or no decision on the EU issue there must prevail two important conditions. The issue must firstly be taken off the partisan agenda.` EU accession would be an irreversible decision which is best taken as one nation where the yes or no vote carry a very large majority.` This is only possible when there is more congruence of thought about the matter by our political schools. Like a fruit out of season it would be wrong to pick it off its tree before the mature season.

Secondly the EU issue must be decided only in the context of a strong economy to ensure that we make a smart not a forced decision.

I have recently been criticised for expressing these opinions by those who pretend to have a divine right to take us into the EU whatever the costs and consequences. As a defence they generally produce two main streams of arguments.

Firstly is that waiting for a more opportune time to join the EU would be like missing the last train to heaven and we would miss out on the funding that would be available upon accession at the next enlargement when such funding would not be available should we join later in the company of Rumania and Bulgaria.

the country needs a general election to get the leadership it deserves.` Pro-EU observers should stop being surprised by the obvious`

This is a myth as big as the Lm100 million promised before last election.` There could be many good reasons for wanting to join the EU but for goodness sake, funding should not be one of them. Under all scenarios, Malta as a whole, not just the government as an entity, would at best be funding neutral vs. the EU and probably we would be net contributors.` Any direct funding payable to us under the various schemes would be more than compensated by our direct contributions (percentages of VAT and GDP) and indirect contributions (higher food prices for imports from EU and Common External tariff for imports outside the EU).

A more serious argument is that this country can only survive economically if we start marketing ourselves better to re-generate a stream of foreign direct investment into our economy.` This, the argument goes, is only possible, as EU members.

I consider this argument fallacious. Clich`s and membership badges do not attract foreign investors. FDI is attracted by a strong economy, availability of trained labour, and an efficient pro-business bureaucracy. None of this is dependent upon EU membership.` On the contrary they are dependent on our own internal will to lead ourselves seriously, to re-structure our economy and to stop the waste of throwing our limited resources into subsidies leading to nowhere. All this whilst pretending to be born members of the rich man`s club when in fact we seriously mortgaging our economic future with an unsustainable level of debt.

When a time will arrive when we can look at ourselves in the mirror and start liking what we see, than that could be a time when we seriously start debating EU membership on its own merits especially if the EU would have changed sufficiently to permit the flexibility we seek and deserve.

Before that the country needs a general election to get the leadership it deserves.` Pro-EU observers should stop being surprised by the obvious.

Alfred Mifsud

Ghal Uliedna

Il-Kullhadd



Ghal uliedna naghmlu kollox.` Il-genituri joqghodu bil-guh biex l-uliedhom jarawhom daqs jew ahjar minn haddiehor. Quddiem `l ulied it-tirann jsiru bicca ghagina, min joqghod lura biex jixtri xi haga ghalih jiftah idejh ghal bzonnijiet ta` wliedu, u r-raguni hafna drabi thalli postha ghall-emozzjoni.

`U ghala ma npurtahomx minn uliedna ghal hmistax il-sena shah li matulhom kull sena bla eccezzjoni dejjem nefqu izjed, hafna izjed milli dahhlu apparti li ghamlu salt dejn mohbi fil-banek`

Dan fatt maghruf minn kull min huwa midhla tax-xjenza tal-marketing,` ix-xejnza tal-bejgh. Araw ir-reklami. Reklam tad-tadam hafna drabi ma jghidlekx kemm hu tajjeb it-tadam izda kemm jaghmel gid ghas-sahha ta` wliedek. Tant u tant reklami jdahhlu l-kuncett `and your children love it too`. Anke polza tas-sigurta wkoll semmejniha ghall- ulied ghax hrigna bil-baby bond.` U niftakar li door to door salesman darba gie jbiegh il-borom wara l-bieb u l-messagg kien li b`dawn il-borom l-ikel isir bnin u bla zejt u ghalhekk jekk ma tixtrihomx tkun vera ma jimpurtakx mis-sahha ta` wliedek.

Tant hu hekk li r-regolamenti tax-xandir jipprojbixxu reklami li jinstigaw lit-tfal biex jaghmlu pressjoni fuq il-genituri halli jixtrulhom din jew dik il-haga.

Issa din ix-xjenza ser juzawha in-nazzjonalisti biex jikkonvincu il-poplu malti biex fir-referendum jivvota favur shubija fl-UE biex jaghmlu ghazla ghal-gid ta` uliedna.

Issa ghax il-prodott ta l-UE ma jistax jinbiegh fuq il-merti tieghu ghax qed jingharaf bhala wiehed li jghakkes lil poplu u fil-format tieghu bhalissa mhux addattat ghal pajiizna, in-nazzjonalisti ser jaqilbu l-argument. Ser iwasslu il-messagg li vera dan jitlob minnha hafna sagrificcji u u vera li ser nweggghu u nkun aghar milli ahna, izda dan hemm bzonn naghmluh, hemm bzonn insofruh u hemm bzonn naghmlu s-sagrificcju ghal gid ta` wliedna.

Dawn illi sa erbat ijiem ilu kienu jghidu li d-dejn li kienu qed u ghadhom jaghmlu iridu jhalluh mazzra ma ghonq uliedna u ulied uliedna issa iriduna nemmnu li hemm bzonn naghzlu l-UE ghal gid ta` uliedna.

Dawn li zarmaw ir-rizervi kollha li kellu l-pajjiz, mlewh sa xfar ghajnejh bid-dejn u issa qed ibieghu kull ma kellna u jisparpaljaw il-flus bl-aktar mod malinn tant li ammettew permezz tal-Prim Minsitru li ghaxar miljuni ( pjuttost hamsin miljun) `l hemm jew `l hawn ma jaghmlux differenza, issa f`daqqa wahda ikkonvertew u sar jimpurtahom minn uliedna.

`Ghal uliedna izda jehtieg tmexxija serja u effettiva minn gvern laburista` li bhal missier jiehu decizjonijiet fl-interess tal-familja avolja dawn jistghu ifantsu lil min jiflah ghax jintalab jghin lil min hu batut`

Ghala ma mpurtahomx meta bieghu il-Mid-Med Bank bir-ribass` Ghala ma npurtahomx meta taw id-direct order ta` l-isptar tal-qroqq fejn il-flus qed jintefqu bla kontrolli ta` xejn u suppost awditjati minn nies maghzula mil-ministru li ma ghadhomx la ghodda, la esperjenza u anqas kapacita` biex jaghmlu xoghol ta iccekjar bhal dan` Ghala ma npurtahomx meta jdahhlu fil-portijiet taghna vapur tal-gwerra wiehed kull gimgha u dak li fi zmien Mintoff kienu jhallsu il-miljuni ghalih il-barranin issa qed johduh gratis minn fuq dahar il-poplu`

U ghala ma npurtahomx minn uliedna ghal hmistax il-sena shah li matulhom kull sena bla eccezzjoni dejjem nefqu izjed, hafna izjed milli dahhlu apparti li ghamlu salt dejn mohbi fil-banek u fit-treasury clearance fund ( u minn jaf forsi issa bdejna nahbu d-dejn ukoll fis-sinking funds!) li uliedna ghad iridu jaghmlu tajjeb ghalihom avolja ma jafux bihom.

Issa sar jimpurtahom minn uliedna` U fejn hi l-ghazla tajba ghal uliedna dik li nitilqu rajna minn idejna biex imexxina haddiehor ghax dal-gvern ghajjien berbaq kull ma sab u ma kienx kapaci imexxi bil-ghaqal` Issa ghax il-piz tad-dejn qed iwerwirna issa irridu li jigi jmexxina l-barrani halli uliedna ma jwahhlux fina u jiehel il-barrani`

Tassew irridu naghmlu ghazla ghal uliedna.` Ghazla li lil dan il-pajjiz hadd ma jista jmexxih fl-interess ta` gensna jekk mhux ahna stess. Li jekk nintelqu f`idejn haddiehor ninbelghu u nsiru bicca ghagina` f`idejn il-barrani li jaghmel bina li jrid u anke nergghu nsiru bazi militari izda bla dritt li nitolbu kumpens. Ghax nghiduha kif inhi. Jekk l-ekonomija taghna issa tant nizlet li pajjizna ser jigi kostrett li nerrghu nservu ghal skop ta` difiza militari allura ahjar nergghu nikru kif ghamilna bjen l-1972 u 1979 milli naghtu kollox b`xejn.

Ghal uliedna izda jehtieg tmexxija serja u effettiva minn gvern laburista` li bhal missier jiehu decizjonijiet fl-interess tal-familja avolja dawn jistghu ifantsu lil min jiflah ghax jintalab jghin lil min hu batut.` Izda fil-problemi irridu naqbzu ghal xulxin halli nizguraw li rajna jibqa` f`idejna ha mmexxu verament ghal gid ta` uliedna.

For our Children

The Malta Independent

Children are special.` I should know, as I was the youngest of fourteen. When it comes to children parents act abnormally. The most hard-headed become soft, the powerful become powerless, and parents who count their cents when it comes to personal spending, loosen their purse on expenditure related to their children`s well-being, health and education.

`When former Minister of Finance Bonello Dupuis was once questioned about the rise of the public debt (which at the time was much less worrying than it is today) he retorted that the debt will be paid by our children and their offsprings.`

Marketing gurus know it. So much so that broadcasting rules prohibit advertising that instigates children to make pressure on their parents to buy them this or that.

The PN know it too!` For 15 years they have been managing this country as if tomorrow never comes. They have consistently solved the problems for today and let tomorrow to take care of itself. When former Minister of Finance Bonello Dupuis was once questioned about the rise of the public debt (which at the time was much less worrying than it is today) he retorted that the debt will be paid by our children and their offsprings.

Fifteen years where achievements were measured by how much and how fast government could spend tax and borrowed money.` In the only instance that government tried to take credit for bringing in revenues, the famous Lm100 million each year from the EU so solemnly promised in the 1998 election campaign, the government fell flat on its face.

And we have come to a stage where spending, even if it were possible, is no longer a curing solution as it has started to threaten the stability of our financial structure.

` Having lost control of the way we should manage ourselves the government is placing the EU accession project as a cure to all our ills, a means to save us from ourselves`

Fifteen years of laissez-faire leadership has brought the economy to a pitiful state where public debt is huge and growing, fiscal deficit is out of control in spite of our being heavily taxed, inflation is higher than our competitors, GDP is contracting, FDI is nowhere in sight, business optimism is at its lowest and useless subsidies continue to suck away the life-blood of our economy.

Having lost control of the way we should manage ourselves the government is placing the EU accession project as a cure to all our ills, a means to save us from ourselves, to impose upon us the discipline which has been shunned and eroded over a long period of reckless governing.

And like true marketing specialists, because the project is unsaleable on its own intrinsic properties and on the shoddy record of the sales person presenting it for our approval, the PN has to turn to the sentimental trump card of our children.

The PN`s slogan `a choice for our children ` is nothing but an invitation to take leave of our senses and of the tangible facts proving their incompetence, and to let the sentiment take over our decision making process to go for EU membership to save our children from ourselves.

We do indeed need to take a choice for our children. A hard choice where we agree that economic growth comes from work and investment and not from spending, excess consumption and club memberships.

A choice where we would bequeath our children with a strong and vibrant economy so that in their own good time they can take a smart decision about our future relationship with the EU.