Sunday 29 July 2001

Third time sorry

The Malta Independent on Sunday Third time sorry

What could be worse than an administration in its third term except one in its fourth` Only an administration who before its third term had a short break in opposition of 22 months and thinks that that is enough to start all over again.

This third term administration is easily comparable to` Labour`s third term between 1982-1987.` It is even worse. Because even Mintoff at his worst in 1982 and 1983, acting like a rebel in search for a cause after he had achieved all his political objectives in 1979, he was not half as arrogant as the current version of` Fenech Adami.

With the nationalist elected representatives failing to take their place in parliament following the December 1981 elections thus` giving Mintoff the full right to nominate acolytes to fill the opposition seats ` a facility which would have produced the automatic right` to change the constitution as he pleased ` Mintoff stopped short of grabbing total and unmitigated power.

Not only that but to his credit Mintoff engineered the return to parliament of the nationalist opposition with full re-instatement to their seats to which they had lost all constitutional rights.` And following terse negotiations Mintoff was instrumental, with others on the Labour side, to change` the constitution to ensure that the perverse result of 1981 would not be repeated.` Not even the mother of democracies, the United States, are taking steps to amend their constitution in this sense following the perverse result of last November`s elections where President Bush got less popular nation-wide votes than the defeated challenger.

The words of Fenech Adami in 1986 still ring loud in my ears. He then expected that not only the Opposition had a right to nominate its representatives on the electoral commission but even that the government`s own appointees had to be acceptable to the opposition.

Now Fenech Adami is at the other end of the stick. Instead of facing an incumbent government fatigued by its overstay in power beyond the second term, now he is totally wrapped up in contradictions accumulated over 14 years of continuous power. The tune has changed. Now he thinks he has the right to nominate the whole electoral commission against the wishes of the Opposition.` He thinks that resignation of Opposition nominated members of the electoral commission because they cannot fulfil their proper duties is something to be taken lightly and that anybody acceptable to the Prime Minister can fill their place without treatment of the root cause of the problem.

Harold Wilson once said that a week is too long a time in politics,` and he was right. Ten years is probably as much as any human can take without being infected by the power bug which our twin party system of winner takes` all,` produces in excessive doses. Roosevelt had the wisdom of shaping the American constitution not to permit` a third presidential term.` If this is necessary under the American system of substantial checks and balances just imagine how damaging to the soul of this nation is a third term devoid of any real checks and balances.

We are living` a virtual democracy. Anybody who argues anything out of line with the government`s tune is depicted either as having lost control of his brain or acting against the national interest.

Take the piece in this same space last week penned by the Honourable Minister of Tourism.` He said that I should be shamed for trying to impress the EU that our country does not merit to qualify for the structural funds which seem to be the source of our future salvation from the economic and environmental crisis that this fatigued administration has put us in.

Much as I try to be logical in my reasoning I never claimed that whatever I say or write will influence, even in its minutest form, the level of assistance we can get from the EU. Thanks for the credit Mr Minister,` but it is totally undeserved.` My argument is that I just cannot accept that in reality the economic gap between Cyprus and Malta` is so large that we make it only up to 52% of the EU - 15 GDP average whereas Cyprus has exceeded 82% of the same` EU-15 average. I opined that once our statistical methodology comes into shape this difference will narrow substantially and our claim for high level Objective One funding in an enlarged EU-27 becomes questionable.`

If statistically I am proved wrong than the Minister of Tourism should join his cabinet colleagues to make a public apology to the Maltese people. An apology` that after 14 years of decadent money no problem administration our standard of living has fallen well below those in` Cyprus with whom we used to benchmark remarkably well in the mid-eighties.

Third time sorry

The Malta Independent on Sunday Third time sorry

What could be worse than an administration in its third term except one in its fourth` Only an administration who before its third term had a short break in opposition of 22 months and thinks that that is enough to start all over again.

This third term administration is easily comparable to` Labour`s third term between 1982-1987.` It is even worse. Because even Mintoff at his worst in 1982 and 1983, acting like a rebel in search for a cause after he had achieved all his political objectives in 1979, he was not half as arrogant as the current version of` Fenech Adami.

With the nationalist elected representatives failing to take their place in parliament following the December 1981 elections thus` giving Mintoff the full right to nominate acolytes to fill the opposition seats ` a facility which would have produced the automatic right` to change the constitution as he pleased ` Mintoff stopped short of grabbing total and unmitigated power.

Not only that but to his credit Mintoff engineered the return to parliament of the nationalist opposition with full re-instatement to their seats to which they had lost all constitutional rights.` And following terse negotiations Mintoff was instrumental, with others on the Labour side, to change` the constitution to ensure that the perverse result of 1981 would not be repeated.` Not even the mother of democracies, the United States, are taking steps to amend their constitution in this sense following the perverse result of last November`s elections where President Bush got less popular nation-wide votes than the defeated challenger.

The words of Fenech Adami in 1986 still ring loud in my ears. He then expected that not only the Opposition had a right to nominate its representatives on the electoral commission but even that the government`s own appointees had to be acceptable to the opposition.

Now Fenech Adami is at the other end of the stick. Instead of facing an incumbent government fatigued by its overstay in power beyond the second term, now he is totally wrapped up in contradictions accumulated over 14 years of continuous power. The tune has changed. Now he thinks he has the right to nominate the whole electoral commission against the wishes of the Opposition.` He thinks that resignation of Opposition nominated members of the electoral commission because they cannot fulfil their proper duties is something to be taken lightly and that anybody acceptable to the Prime Minister can fill their place without treatment of the root cause of the problem.

Harold Wilson once said that a week is too long a time in politics,` and he was right. Ten years is probably as much as any human can take without being infected by the power bug which our twin party system of winner takes` all,` produces in excessive doses. Roosevelt had the wisdom of shaping the American constitution not to permit` a third presidential term.` If this is necessary under the American system of substantial checks and balances just imagine how damaging to the soul of this nation is a third term devoid of any real checks and balances.

We are living` a virtual democracy. Anybody who argues anything out of line with the government`s tune is depicted either as having lost control of his brain or acting against the national interest.

Take the piece in this same space last week penned by the Honourable Minister of Tourism.` He said that I should be shamed for trying to impress the EU that our country does not merit to qualify for the structural funds which seem to be the source of our future salvation from the economic and environmental crisis that this fatigued administration has put us in.

Much as I try to be logical in my reasoning I never claimed that whatever I say or write will influence, even in its minutest form, the level of assistance we can get from the EU. Thanks for the credit Mr Minister,` but it is totally undeserved.` My argument is that I just cannot accept that in reality the economic gap between Cyprus and Malta` is so large that we make it only up to 52% of the EU - 15 GDP average whereas Cyprus has exceeded 82% of the same` EU-15 average. I opined that once our statistical methodology comes into shape this difference will narrow substantially and our claim for high level Objective One funding in an enlarged EU-27 becomes questionable.`

If statistically I am proved wrong than the Minister of Tourism should join his cabinet colleagues to make a public apology to the Maltese people. An apology` that after 14 years of decadent money no problem administration our standard of living has fallen well below those in` Cyprus with whom we used to benchmark remarkably well in the mid-eighties.

Virus

Il-Kullhadd Virus

M`inhiex ser nikteb dwar il-virus mediku li minn zmien ghal zmien jattakka lis-sahha ta` gisimna u jmarradna, gieli ftit u gieli hafna.` Lanqas ma jien ser nikteb fuq il-virus tal-kompjuter li dejjem jivvinta minn donnu m`ghandux x`jaghmel biex johloq problemi bla bzonn li min ikun mehdi fuq xoghlu.

Il-virus li qed nirreferi ghalih huwa il-virus tal-poter. Virus li jattakka lil kull min idum fil-poter aktar milli jippermetti l-process demokratiku. Specjalment fis-sistema politika taghna fejn il-kontest ghal poter huwa biss` bejn zewg partiti, fejn min jirbah jirbha il-poter legislattiv u amminsitrattiv kollu , il-virus tal-poter jattakka bil-kbir.

Donnu jattakka wara li partit ikun ilu aktar minn seba snin fil-poter. Bhas-seven year itch tar-relazzjonijiet bejn il-mizzewgin. Anki fis-snin sebghin meta il-Partit Laburista qabez is-sebgha snin fil-gvern wara Marzu ta` l-1979 ma baqax bl-istess hegga ta` qabel.` Donnu wara li kiseb dak li kien hadem ghalih ma setghax isib motivazzjonijiet godda biex ikomplu jispiraw il-kollettiv `l quddiem.

Il-Partit Nazzjonalista gralu l-istess u aghar. Kif qabez is-sebgha snin fil-gvern fl-1994 gie d-dizastru. Il-VAT iddahlet bl-ghagla u fl-aghar stadju tal-legizlatura.` Id-deficit u dejn harab mil-kontroll tal-gvern. U f`nofs is-96 il-pozizzjoni finanzjarja tant hzienet li wasslet lil Ministru tal-Finanzi jwiddeb lil-Kabinett bil-pozizzjoni prekarja. Il-Prim Ministru gie sfurzat isejjah elezzjoni qabel il-budget ta` l-1997 ghax ma riedx li jiffaccja l-elettorat wara li tohrog l-istampa vera tad-dizastru fil-finanzi tal-gvern.

Izda dan it-tielet term tan-nazzjonalisti fil-gvern li wasal fuqhom bla ma kien mistenni u bla ma kellhom cans jissaffew mill-arroganza tal-poter, qed ikun dizastruz ghalihom u hafna aktar ghal Malta.

Lanqas Mintoff fl-aghar zmien tieghu fl-1982 u 1983 qatt ma lahaq livelli daqstant tal-biki ta` inkonsistenza u nuqqas ta` demokrazija li fil-fatt tezisti f`pajjizna bhalissa.` Meta wara l-elezzjoni ta` l-1981 in-nazzjonalisti ma hadux posthom fil-parlament u effettivament kostituzzjonalment tilfu s-siggu (haga li dan l-ahhar giet kritikata bl-ikrah sahansitra mill-ex President Tabone) , Mintoff seta mela` s-siggijiet ta` l-oppozizzjoni b`nies li kienu jakkomodawh biex kieku ried seta` jibdel il-kostituzzjoni kif ried.

Izda Mintoff gharef jistenna sa ma bil-galbu ikkonvinca lin-nazzjonalisti jiehdu posthom lura fil-parlament u lejn l-ahhar tal-legizlatura immanuvra tibdil fil-kostituzzjoni biex dak li gara ma jergax jigri avolja dan kien ser jizvantagga lil Partit Laburista.

Avolja min illum jaghmilha ta` pampalun tad-demokrazija dak iz-zmien kien qed izomm iebes biex Mintoff ma jaghmilx koncessjoni bhal din fl-interess tad-demokrazija.

Dak iz-zmien Fenech Adami kien jishaq li l-membri tal-Kummissjoni Elettorali mhux biss dawk nominati mill-Oppozizzjoni izda sahansitra dawk maghzula mill-gvern,` kellhom ikollhom il-fiducja ta` l-Oppozizzjoni inkella kien jistenna minnhom li fl-interess tad-demokrazija ma jiehdux posthom.

Izda il-valuri demokratici ta` Fenech Adami donnhom li dabu hekk kif ingidem mill-virus tal-poter. Aktar ma jara l-opinjoni popolari titbieghed minnu aktar il-virus jaghfas u jgieghel lil gvern immexxi minn Fenech Adami jichad dak kollu li kien jemmen u jippriedka meta kien fl-oppozizzjoni.

Illum mhux biss il-gvern jista` jinnomina lil min irid fuq il-Kummissjoni Elettorali immaterjalment minn x`tahseb l-oppozizzjoni, izda anke l-postijiet rizervati ghall-oppozizzjoni illum jimtlew mill-gvern.` Dak li ma ghamilx Mintoff meta seta mela s-siggijiet li hallew vojta n-nazzjonalisti fin-naha ta` l-oppozizzjoni, qed jaghmlu Fenech Adami meta ghamel in-nominazzjonjiet kollha tal-Kummissjoni Elettorali anke kontra x-xewqa ta` l-Oppozizzjoni.

Il-problema tal-virus tal-poter hija li ma hemmx kura facli ghalih.` Il-poter huwa bhad-droga.` Meta tiehu l-virus tieghu aktar ma jkollok poter aktar tuza l-istess poter biex tipprotegih u tkattru waqt li tinsa il-valuri bazici li ghalihom il-poter ghandu jigi uzat.

Meta il-problema tidhol daqstant il-gewwa tkun trid terapija qawwija bhal dawk dik li tinghata mill-Caritas f`San Blas.` Is-Sab Blas politiku huwa l-process elettorali. Izda flok San Blas politiku qed jitmexxa mil-Caritas politika li ghandha tkun il-kummissjoni elettorali, minflok dawk migduma mil-virus tal-poter qed imexxi huma stess is-San Blas politiku.` Qisu San Blas tal-Caritas minflok minn DunVictor u Anglu Fenech qed jitmexxa mit-traffikanti tad-droga.` Daqshekk hi serja l-bicca tal-Kummissjoni Elettorali.

Friday 27 July 2001

E-failure

The Malta Independent

E-failure

The `e-` syndrome is in fashion. E-failure has nothing to do with it. The E in E-failure stands for the three keywords which carry the essence of the criteria which measure our quality of life: Economy, Environment and Elections.

On all these measures we are failing miserably. Our quality of life is suffering and deteriorating.` And this has nothing to do with the usual bla-bla-bla which is freely trade and exchanged between our two political parties. It has all to do with the daily life of all Maltese residents whether average John Citizen or a multi-millionaire alien who has chosen to reside amongst us.

There can be no sustainable improvements in the quality of life if not framed within a healthy and growing economy.` And whatever our politically inspired economic managers may say the economy is neither healthy nor is it growing. Exports are falling, investment has dried up, government debt has kept increasing at much the same rate as those maligned labour`s 22 months, government expenditure is showing no restraints, budget deficit is up on last year and well out of current year`s projections, foreign reserves are falling, balance of payments deficit is worrying, and employment is only sustained by increases in the numbers of the public sectors.` Private sector liquidity is being drained by public` sector taxes and a string of bankruptcies or closures seems to have started which was unheard of in living memory and which could` have a dangerous contagion dimension.

The Environment is in a decadent state. Economic improvement can only deliver true quality of life enhancements if based on sustainable environmental policies.` Instead we have the worst of both worlds. Economic dullness and environmental crisis. Years of neglect and bad investment in waste management, road networks, drainage systems, energy generation, have suddenly culminated to render our roads a permanent danger to the best of drivers, our air seriously polluted in the densest populated areas, and our seas contaminated and not fit for swimming.` And contrary to what our Minister of Tourism claims this is not meant to alarm anybody. This is pure safeguard to those who` were swimming in Mellieha Bay when the sea was smelling of drainage as I drove by late last Sunday evening.

Even if the economy and the environment were in perfect shape quality of life depends on the state of health of the third E: Elections as the ultimate symbol of democracy through a fair and transparent electoral process.` But even here we are failing miserably.`

Three failings in one month are more than enough to prove that our democracy is virtual not real.` At the operational level the administration thinks it can fool us all firstly by calming our anger at the Lm25 parking style fine for the politically motivated premeditated attack on Tarcisio Mifsud in the sanctity of his private residence, by claiming that the state is appealing the sentence;` only to find out months later that a half-baked appeal has been put in against one of the three accused who was originally acquitted.

At the parliamentary level we have the majority in parliament usurping the right of the Constitutional Court in passing a simple resolution giving an interpretation to a clause of the Constitution which needs a 2/3 rd` majority to be amended. And now we have the Government that` feels it can gain sole and unsupervised control of the electoral process by staffing the electoral commission with faithful acolytes against the wishes of the opposition.

This is an e-failure with a capital E.

Sunday 22 July 2001

Argentina

Il-Kullhadd Argentina

Fis-suq internazzjonali din il-gimgha regghet venvent bil-qawwi il-problema ta` l-Argentina. Argentina ghanda hafna dejn barrani forma ta` bonds f`munita barranija, l-aktar dollaru amerikan izda wkoll euro u lira sterlina.` Hafna maltin ghadhom flushom investiti f`dan il-bonds li jhallsu imghax gholja ta` aktar minn 10% skond iz-zmien ta` dawn il-bonds.

La jhallsu imghax gholi jfisser li hemm ir-riskju.` Kieku ma jkunx hemm riskju kieku ma jhallsux imghax gholi.` Izda l-Argentina ghandha dak li maghruf credit rating baxx hafna u ghalhekk biex tissellef mis-suq internazzjonali trid thallas imghax gholi ghax inkella ma ssibx min` jislifha. Dan l-imghax gholi u l-credit rating baxx jirriflettu r-riskju gholi li l-Argentina ma ssibx il-flus biex thallas l-imghax u l-kapital ta` dawn il-bonds.

Din il-gimgha dan ir-riskju rega` sploda.` L-ekonomija Argentina ghaddejja minn perjodu difficli u ma ghadiex tikber. In-nies Argentini flok jinvestu flushom fil-pajjiz jinvestuhom barra l-pajjiz ghax ma ghandhomx fiducja fl-ekonomija ta` pajjizhom. Il-Gvern ghadu qed jissellef kull sena u b`hekk ikabbar id-dejn kemm nominalment kif ukoll bhala relattivita` mal-GDP ta` l-ekonomija li tinsab stagnata.

Minkejja li l-Argentina diga` rrikorrit ghal fondi ta` emergenza mill-International Monetary Fund jidher li dawn mhux se jkunu bizzejjed u ghalhekk kiber ir-rsikju li l-Argentina tiddikjara dak tekninkament maghruf bhala `default`. Fi kliem semplici tghid li ma ghandiex minn fejn inhallas l-imghax u l-kapital. Dan jista jwassal biex dejn ta` l-Argentina li ghad fadallu snin biex jaghlaq jidi dikjarat ukoll teknikament bhala default u allura il-bicca ssir hafna aktar kumplikata. B`rizultat ta` dan ir-rata ta` l-imghax, specjalment dawk short term splodew `l fuq u l-valur tal-bonds stabat.

Ghaliex qed nikteb dan kollu. Ghax tridu tifhmu li l-Argentina huwa pajjiz ta` rizorsi kbar. Pajjiz li d-dejn tieghu paragunat mad-daqs ta` l-ekonomija huwa anqas minn dak ta` Malta. Pajjiz li li-piz tad-dejn minkejja li jhallas rati daqstant gholjin bhala percentwali ta` l-ekonomija hu fuq l-itess livell bhal taghna.

Mela kif l-Argentina ghandha dawn il-problemi kollha u ahna le. Kif l-Argentina din il-gimgha kellha tnaqqas il-pagi tan-nies tal-gvern u il-pensjonijiet statali bi 13% biex il-gvern ikun jista` jibbilancja l-budget halli ma jkollux ghalfejn jiddejjen izjed`

Id-differenza kbira bejn il-pozizzjoni ta` Malta u dik ta` l-Argentina hija li filwaqt li d-dejn taghna huwa dejn intern, dejn tal-gvern mal-poplu fi flus maltin, dak ta` l-Argentina huwa f`munita barranija mal-banek internazzjonali. Zid ma dan li dawn il-banek izommu id-dejn li jaghtu lil Argentina f`forma kurrenti u ma jorbtux fit-tul b`mod li l-Argentina kontinwament ghanda dejn li qed jighlaq u jrid jiggedded. Id-dejn ta` Malta mhux biss huwa intern izda hafna minnu qieghed ghal zmien fit-tul marbut b`imghax relattivament baxx` u ghalhekk ma ghandnix l-istess pressjoni bhall-Argentina.

Izda ghalkemm m`ahniex f`qaghda hazina bhall-Argetina irridu nehduh bhala ezempju li jekk ma naghmlu xejn `l hemm mexjin. Jekk ir-rizervi tal-bank centrali jibqghu nezlin bir-ritmu li huma. Jekk l-esportazzjoni tibqa` tonqos, jekk it-turizmu ma jkomplix jikber, jekk il-gvern jibqa` jzid in-nefqa` b`rata aktar milli jigbor, jekk nibqghu nissapportjaw b`mod ghami rata ta` kambju li ma tirreflettix ir-relattivita` veru taghna mal-pajjizi li nikkumrcjaw maghhom, fl-ahhar mill-ahhar ikollna nirrikorru biex nisselfu fi swieq internazzjonali.

L-arroganza tal-gvern prezenti hija li ffaccjat minn dawn il-problemi jibqa` ghaddej qisu xejn m`hu xejn, jibqa` jghix f`dinja maqtugha mir-rejalta u jahseb li bla ma niehdu mizuri korrettivi serji nistghu nevitaw id-dizastru li sabu ruhhom fihom pajjizi bhall-Argentina.

Dal-gvern qed jilghab mal-futur tal` wliedna. Wara li nefaq ir-rizervi kollha li sab, war li mliena bid-dejn sa xfar ghajnejna, wara li biegh l-aqwa qawhar tal-pajjiz u nefaq il-flus tal-privatizzazzjoni bla ma warrab xejn, issa ghad jehtieglu jissellef u jintaxxa meta l-ekonomija hija mghaxxa, meta il-kapitali hergin gelgul, meta qed norbtu il-lira maltija b`mod fiss ma basket ta muniti barranin u meta ma qed naghmlu xejn biex nirristrutturaw bis-serjeta`. Jekk ma naghmlu xejn il-passjoni li qeghda fiha bhalissa l-Argentina se ngibuha fuqna.

Friday 20 July 2001

Privileges

The Malta Independent

Privileges

Parliamentary privileges are meant to protect the right of` MP`s` to perform their` duties towards the constitution without fear or favour. Anyone who impedes an MP from the performance of his/her duties meets the sanctions of parliament through the use of privileges.`

When privileges are used to protect parliamentarians from being criticised for failure to perform their duty without fear or favour than the logic of parliamentary privileges is inverted on its head.` This is the public perception of the use privilege against permanent secretary Gauci Borda.` It is sad indeed that parliamentary privileges are being used for the opposite purpose they were intended.

A permanent secretary is a public official paid out of` public funds. His loyalty is to serving the public within the policy of the government. It is clearly government declared policy to administer public funds with judiciousness and transparency and for any suspected abuses to be investigated and accounted to the general public.

Gauci Borda maintains that he did this with full loyalty to protect the public he serves under two different administrations. Not only this was not denied but indeed the National Audit Office confirmed that abuses he highlighted were indeed taking place.

Gauci Borda maintains that from available facts it should be quite possible to establish those who are` responsible for such abuses and for the administration to show that` it is accountable to the general public` for the proper administration of public funds by disciplining those responsible.

Gauci Borda maintained that the police were showing cold feet in pinning down the culprit(s) and that in the review by National Audit` Office` report by the Public Accounts Committee of the House, he sensed that government majority on this Committee chaired by an Opposition MP were using their numbers superiority to close the case without further investigation. Haven`t I seen this before in the review of the privatisation of Mid-Med Bank by the said Committee`

This is not a case where somebody is preventing MP`s from performing their duty.` This is a case where a senior member of the administration` is accusing the members of the legislative body` with unwillingness to perform their duty.

If the MP`s thought they have been wrongly accused their defence ought not to be use of their privileges. Their defence is due explanation to the public of what they are doing to perform their duty to bring to justice whoever was responsible for mal-administration of public funds as confirmed by the National Audit Office. In extreme cases their defence should be a libel suit in Courts of Law. But using parliamentary privileges to use the force of majority numbers to defend themselves from accusation of failing to perform their` parliamentary duties of being accountable to the people is just not on.` It smacks of pre `French revolution feudalism.

It takes a lot of courage and patriotism for Gauci Borda to speak out the way he did. He should not be silenced.` On the contrary he should be encouraged to prove his case withour fear of the use of privileges. For his selfless initiative for serving me as a member of the general public to take care of the tax money I pay,` I offer him my admiration and support.

Sunday 15 July 2001

Whither tourism

The Malta Independent on Sunday Whither tourism`

The restaurant was highly recommended.` As it was my turn to take friends out for dinner we agreed to give it a try. The reservation was prompt and I was even offered the courtesy of a reserved parking space close to the restaurant in the heart of Bugibba.

The restaurant ambience was nothing out of this world but the food was.` It was as good as any I got in the best restaurants of the world. The menu was restricted but very original. The service was impeccable. The price was not cheap but it was fair for the quality offered. Considering that we consumed an average of half a bottle of classy foreign wine per capita the bill kept us within Lm20 per head, tips excluded.

So what, you are probably asking, am I complaining of` Nothing to do with the restaurant itself but all to do with the state of our economy in general and tourism in particular. Last tuesday we were alone in this restaurant. Just our table of four. Not that I like crowded restaurants. But being alone and having the whole restaurant for ourselves is quite different. Indeed it is disheartening.` It takes away the pleasure of the event knowing that the cost structure cannot sustain such quality at such a low level of turnover.

Initially I thought that the restaurant could have just opened its doors and may be it was not marketing itself well. But I was assured that it was long established in the area and that business used to be thriving especially in peak summer. But this year all nearby hotels had to fill with low quality budget tourists , mostly students. And the locals are cutting severely on their entertainment spend, restricting it mainly for the weekend.

In the Malta that I dream of, such a restaurant would be turning away business at the door. It would be hard to secure a place at the table without a 48 hour prior reservation. If only we can discover the true potential with which to exploit our tourist markets and carry the industry to a higher level from the shabby platform it has got stuck to.

And just in case anybody thinks that our EU vocation will solve such problems for us, I assure that it has nothing to do with. The solution has to be within us. Indeed the whole EU debate has not really touched on the real issue of the debate.` The real issue is: if we opt to stay out of the EU do we have the leadership quality needed to impose sustainable discipline on the country to carry it forward to the efficiency levels with which we can compete in the global market If we do, than there is no question to my mind that staying out is much more promising, both politically and economically.

But if we come to miss these leadership qualities, which currently we are missing badly, is there a real alternative to seeking EU membership to engage an external agent to impose on us the discipline that we cannot impose on ourselves`

Take the tourism context.` We can easily market our country on the EU market as a place with a difference. So near and yet so different. So small and yet so varied. The punch of our marketing message has to be:` What you can see in Malta in three or four days you cannot see in any other country within the same flight range. That`s the message which distinguish us from competing destination. That`s what re-inforces our strengths and hides our weaknesses. It needs no huge research. It needs common sense, a focussed approach, a determination to go through some bad times until we reach the higher platforms. We have to go down some valleys before we reach higher, richer plateaux.

In an environment like that we would Air Malta` doubling its flight income for serving the same number of tourist bednights.` We would be appealing to higher middle class tourists who are too busy to take a long holiday but are dying to take a short break. And we would be bringing in tourists who appreciate our cultural treasures, our history, our architecture, our arts and our linguistics. Hopefully this would place the industry on` a sound commercial footing permitting solid investment in our heritage sites, in our transport systems ( why can`t I waive a taxi off the road and pay Lm2 to drive me just a handful of kilometres`) , in our road network to ensure these are up-graded to the same level of our hotels which are already amongst the best in the region.

It is in this scenario that I will have to struggle to reserve a table at the restaurant. Until then I will have to keep hoping that I won`t be alone again or I would have to find a weekend baby-sitter.

Whither tourism

The Malta Independent on Sunday Whither tourism`

The restaurant was highly recommended.` As it was my turn to take friends out for dinner we agreed to give it a try. The reservation was prompt and I was even offered the courtesy of a reserved parking space close to the restaurant in the heart of Bugibba.

The restaurant ambience was nothing out of this world but the food was.` It was as good as any I got in the best restaurants of the world. The menu was restricted but very original. The service was impeccable. The price was not cheap but it was fair for the quality offered. Considering that we consumed an average of half a bottle of classy foreign wine per capita the bill kept us within Lm20 per head, tips excluded.

So what, you are probably asking, am I complaining of` Nothing to do with the restaurant itself but all to do with the state of our economy in general and tourism in particular. Last tuesday we were alone in this restaurant. Just our table of four. Not that I like crowded restaurants. But being alone and having the whole restaurant for ourselves is quite different. Indeed it is disheartening.` It takes away the pleasure of the event knowing that the cost structure cannot sustain such quality at such a low level of turnover.

Initially I thought that the restaurant could have just opened its doors and may be it was not marketing itself well. But I was assured that it was long established in the area and that business used to be thriving especially in peak summer. But this year all nearby hotels had to fill with low quality budget tourists , mostly students. And the locals are cutting severely on their entertainment spend, restricting it mainly for the weekend.

In the Malta that I dream of, such a restaurant would be turning away business at the door. It would be hard to secure a place at the table without a 48 hour prior reservation. If only we can discover the true potential with which to exploit our tourist markets and carry the industry to a higher level from the shabby platform it has got stuck to.

And just in case anybody thinks that our EU vocation will solve such problems for us, I assure that it has nothing to do with. The solution has to be within us. Indeed the whole EU debate has not really touched on the real issue of the debate.` The real issue is: if we opt to stay out of the EU do we have the leadership quality needed to impose sustainable discipline on the country to carry it forward to the efficiency levels with which we can compete in the global market If we do, than there is no question to my mind that staying out is much more promising, both politically and economically.

But if we come to miss these leadership qualities, which currently we are missing badly, is there a real alternative to seeking EU membership to engage an external agent to impose on us the discipline that we cannot impose on ourselves`

Take the tourism context.` We can easily market our country on the EU market as a place with a difference. So near and yet so different. So small and yet so varied. The punch of our marketing message has to be:` What you can see in Malta in three or four days you cannot see in any other country within the same flight range. That`s the message which distinguish us from competing destination. That`s what re-inforces our strengths and hides our weaknesses. It needs no huge research. It needs common sense, a focussed approach, a determination to go through some bad times until we reach the higher platforms. We have to go down some valleys before we reach higher, richer plateaux.

In an environment like that we would Air Malta` doubling its flight income for serving the same number of tourist bednights.` We would be appealing to higher middle class tourists who are too busy to take a long holiday but are dying to take a short break. And we would be bringing in tourists who appreciate our cultural treasures, our history, our architecture, our arts and our linguistics. Hopefully this would place the industry on` a sound commercial footing permitting solid investment in our heritage sites, in our transport systems ( why can`t I waive a taxi off the road and pay Lm2 to drive me just a handful of kilometres`) , in our road network to ensure these are up-graded to the same level of our hotels which are already amongst the best in the region.

It is in this scenario that I will have to struggle to reserve a table at the restaurant. Until then I will have to keep hoping that I won`t be alone again or I would have to find a weekend baby-sitter.

Mhux bizzejjed

Il-Kullhadd Mhux bizzejjed!

Meta tqis l-istat dizastruz li jinsab fih il-pajjiz` paragunat mal-genna fl-art mweghda min-Nazzjonalisti qabel l-elezzjoni, tippretendi li differenza bejn iz-zewg partiti ghandha tkun hafna akbar milli fil-fatt hi.

Forsi wiehed jghid li jekk` ma ssirx elezzjoni ma tistax tghid kemm hi d-differenza. Fl-ahhar elezzjonijiet lokali ta` Marzu il-partit laburista kellu maggoranza relattiva u kien madwar 1% izjed min-Nazzjonalisti.

Surveys ohra saru izda jien ma ghandiex access ghalihom u kieku ghandi trid toqghod attent dwar il-validita` tal-metodologija li tintuza f`dawn is-surveys. Ghalhekk nippreferi noqghod kemm fuq ir-rizultat ta` l-elezzjonijiet lokali u kemm fuq dak li nara u mmiss b`idejja meta niltaqa` man-nies.

U minn dan nislet li filwaqt li hafna nies qed jaqtghu qalbhom mill-partit nazzjonalista, hafna nies qed jirrejalizzaw li n-nazzjonalisti tilfu l-inizjattiva u llum ghandna gvern mmuffat u sterili bla energija xejn, ma jfisserx b`daqshekk li dawn in-nies qed ikabbru l-fiducja taghhom fil-partit laburista.

Ikolli nghid li hafna minnhom qed jaqtghu qalbhom mis-sitwazzjoni politika f`Malta u whud sahansitra jirragunaw li propju ghalhekk jaqblu li Malta tidhol fl-Unjoni Ewropeja biex il-gvern Malti ma jkun jikkmanda xejn u ta` Brussels jimponu fuqna d-dixxiplina li ahna mhux kapaci niehdu ghalina nfusna.

Ragunar bhal dan jinkwetani u ghandu jinkweta lill-laburisti li jridu pajjizna jibqa` rajh f`idejh.` Jinkwetani ghax wara dan ix-xoghol kollu u s-sagrificcji li naghmlu,` jfisser li mhux qed naghmlu bizzejjed biex il-partit jirbah il-kredibbilita` ta` nies li qatghu qalbhom min-nazzjonalisti.

Mhux bizzejjed.` Qatt mhu bizzejjed.` Irridu nahdmu izjed biex nikkonvincu lil-floating voter li l-partit laburista ghandu s-soluzzjonijiet vera ghal-problemi tal-pajjiz. Irridu nuru li l-partit laburista kapaci jaghti tmexxxija dinamika lil pajjiz kif konna tajnih bejn l-1971 u l-1979.

Irridu nuru li minkejja li l-pajjiz ghandu problemi kbar ahna kapaci mmexxu b`mod li l-pajjiz johrog minn dawn il-problemi bla ma jkollu bzonn jirhan ruhu lin-neo kolonjasti. Irridu nuru li ghandna d-dinamizmu biex ma nibzghux niehdu decizjonijiet iebsa basta nfehmu lill-poplu li wara s-sagrificcju hemm il-premju.

Irridu nuru l-poplu li ahna ghandna determinizzjoni ta` l-azzar biex niddefendu dak li hu taghna u li dan ma jistax isir bil-hela u bil-ghazz.` Jista` jsir biss bix-xoghol, bil-kuragg u bid-determinazzjoni li pajjizna naghmluh ekonomikament vijabbli biex jikkummercja mad-dinja kollha.` Mhux niddependu mill-UE biex tintaxxa l-poplu bi prezzijiet oghla ta` l-ikel biex imbaghad taghtina lura parti mil-flus li nkunu hallasja bhala fondi strutturali ghal-progetti infrastrutturali. Jekk jkun hemm bzonn nafu nintaxxaw lilna nfusna ahna stess bla ma nitilfu s-sovranita`

Hija sfortuna li hafna nies anke ta` rieda tajba jibzghu li ma ghandniex din ir-rieda biex nindirizzaw il-problemi vera tal-pajjiz u li ahna stess inkunu kostretti bis-sistema politika maltija li biex ma nitilfux voti nevitaw milli niehdu d-decizjonijiet li l-pajjiz verament ghandu bzonn.

Ghalhekk hemm bzonn li naghmlu sforz akbar biex nuru li ahna kapaci mmexxu. Li hadd mhu ser jerga jwaqqaghna wara 22 xahar. Li filwaqt li ser naghmlu gustizzja u malajr mal-laburisti li gew diskriminati se mmexxu b`determinazzjoni ghal gid tal-pajjiz kollu u naghmlu dak it-tibdil kollu li huwa mehtieg, maljar, b`rieda soda u b`impenn shih biex il-poplu jara rizultati malajr u jifhem li s-soluzzjoni tinsab go fina u mhux barra minna.

Dak li qed naghmlu mhux bizzejjed.` Irridu naghmlu izjed.

Alfred Mifsud





Friday 13 July 2001

To vat or not to vat

The Malta Independent

To VAT or not to VAT

Always in search for any excuse to create a diversion from being held accountable for its performance,` government friendly media are trying to revive the VAT or non-VAT policy of the Labour Party.

Somehow I am depicted as leading an internal crusade within Labour to engineer a u-turn in its anti-VAT policy and make Labour drop its objections to this method of indirect taxation. This gives me more credit than I deserve.

Whilst having a nasty habit of expressing my views quite freely I do not lead crusades to shape Labour`s policies. This task belongs to others more at the core of the organisation. But I never shied away from expressing my views that Labour should not have any strategic objection to VAT which is just another form of indirect taxation as the customs duties it replaced and the CET/ETS which tried to replace it.

Whilst any tax system has its strong and weak points what this country really needs is stability in its tax collecting systems. With VAT 2 having been in place for some 5 years when Labour will next have to decide about it, replacing it again will prove far more cumbersome and harmful than it was with VAT 1 which had been in place for only 21 months when Labour was elected to remove it. It will be far too-deep rooted the next time round.

Applying time and energy to replace one indirect tax system with another is just too wasteful and inopportune. VAT is reality and there should no further argument about its retention or replacement.` Only about its fine tuning to use it as an effective fiscal policy tool for effective economic management.

There are far too many problems awaiting a solution for Labour to keep among its priorities the replacement of VAT with any other indirect taxation system.` There is the problem that this country is frozen in lethargy and nothing seems to be happening.

Except that government seems to be making headway in the privatisation of Public Lotto. A request for proposals was issued on 15th May and it closes on the 13th August. But unless you have Lm7500 to risk throwing away you cannot get hold of the detailed document.

Unbelievable, but` this obscene way of keeping interest down to a selected few who can afford such luxuries has met nobody`s disfavour. The small investor who was eagerly awaiting such privatisation to lift the local stock market from the sullenness it has fallen into is being left completely in the dark about the privatisation of one of the few jewels left in the crown.

Or is the small investors only expected to participate in interest free privatisation bonds to obtain priority allocation in equity issues where such priority is not needed (as such equities are freely traded on the market) ` Why are` investment funds licensed to collect investments to participate in privatisation and then get completely blocked out of the bidding. When it comes to` Lotto floatation,` the private investors not only get no priority . They do not even get a chance to apply.

Only the big boys who can afford Lm7500 to procure an RFP will have a chance to puts their bids on the Public Lotto. The common people are expected to argue about VAT or non-VAT.

Sunday 8 July 2001

Harba

Il-Kullhadd Harba

Il-kwistjoni ta` l-Unjoni Ewropeja qed tghin lil gvern biex jahrab mir-rejalta` u jtffi ir-rabja tal-poplu lejh ghad-dizaztru li jinsab fih pajjizna f;kull qasam tieghu.

Unjoni Ewropej tiela` u Unjoni Ewropeja niezla.` Jekk jisbah, jekk jidlam, jekk bnazzi jew maltemp kollox Unjoni Ewropeja. X`differenza per ezempju mil-Polonja. Il-Polonja pajjiz li politkament u ekonomikament jaqbillu jidhol fl-Unjoni Ewrpeja.` Huwa pajjiz kbir ta` 40 miljun ruh b`settur agrkolu qawwi li jista jgawdi mill-istess beneficcji tal-bdiewa germanizi u francizi. Bata ripressjoni komunista u jghix fil-biza li r-Rissja jekk jibqa barra mill-Unjoni Ewrpeja ghad terga trabbi ambizzjonijiet biex tikkontrollah biex johloq buffer bejnha u bejn il-pajjizi tal-punet. Ghall-istess raguni l-Polonja ghandha appogg poltiku kbir mill-Germnaja.

Izda l-Polonja qed izzomm iebes fin-negozjati.` Ghalkemm bdiet tinniegozja l-kapitli qabel Malta sal-lum ghalqet kapitli anqas milli ghalqet Malta. In-negozjatur ewlieni pollakk din il-gimgha qal li ghalih u ghal pajjizu jekk ma jgiebux il-kundizzjonijiet li jaghmlu sens ahjar ma jghalqux kapitli ghax inkella meta jmorru ghar-referendum il-poplu jivvota kontra u jkun sar xoghol ghalxejn. Qal li pajjizu jrid jidhol fl-Unjoni Ewropeja izda mhux lest li jahllas kwalunkwe prezz biex jaghmel dan.

F`Mlta le.` Minkejja li ahna la ghandha l-istess mottivi politici bhal Polonja, la ghandna settur agrikolu li jista jgawdi mir-regoli ta` l-Unjoni Ewropeja u lanqas ghandna kobor bizzejjed biex nistghu ikollna xi influwenza vera fid-decizjonijiet ta` l-Unjoni, ahna nghagglu nghalqu l-kapitlu naccettaw kollox, inkantaw vittorji u nibilghu kollox bla ltlaqliq.

Hu mil-kwistojini tal-haddiema barranin li jigu jahdmu fostna. Din giet impengija bhala xi nittorja kbira u kien hemm ewforija. Fi zmien konna nifirhu meta rbahna l-gwerra, meta hadna l-indipendenza, meta sirna repubblika,meta rbhana l-helsien mil-bazi u meta bqajna nircievu miljuni mill-Italja talli ahna newtrali. Illum qed jippruva inhossuna ewforici talli zammewna `id-dritt` li ghal-seba snin jekk ikollna xi krizi nistghu inzommu lil xi sqalli milli jigi jahdem hawn basta wara immorru niggustifikaw ruhna fi Brussels. Nelogjaw talli zammejna farka protezzjoni mil-protezzjoni shiha li ga ghandna llum bhala stat Sovran li niddeciedu ghalina dak li jaqblilna.

Izda dan kollu harba mir-rejl\alta`.` Il-poplu aktar mil-problemi ta` ghada u tas-seba snin li gejjin ma rridux inhalluh jinsa il-problema tal-lum.` Il-qarsa kbira li ghandu llum fuq il-livell u l-kwalita` ta l-ghixien tieghu.

Qatt ma niftakar zmien ta twegheir u problemi daqs il-lum.` L-ekonomija mhiex tikber.` Titkellem ma min titkellem fin-negozju jghidlek li spiccaw il-flus mill-idej `u naqas il-bejgh u l-profitt. Imma mhux bilfors.` Jekk il-poplu qed jaqla` anqas u jigi ntaxxat izjed mhux bilfors jonqsu il-flus mill-idejn.

Il-pajjiz ingenerali qed` jesperta anqas u jaqla flus anqas minn barra b`mod li l-bank centrali qed jitlef ir-rizervi b`rata allarmanti.` Jekk din ix-xejra tkompli mhux ser ikun faclu li nibqghu niddefendu il-valur attwali tal-lira maltija.

Izda nake barra l-qasam ekonomiku hemm problemi kbar li jeffetjaw il-kwalita` tal-hajja.` Hadd ma jaf jekk u meta verament se jiehu l-pensjoni tieghu.` Hadd ma jmur jghum il-bahar b`mohhu mistrieh li mhux se jdabbar infezzjoni. Haddma jaf jekk hux jekk jibla go fih arja pura jew arja mniggsa.

Jehtieg li filwaqt li nibqghu ninfurmaw il-poplu dwar il-verita` kollha rigward l-Unjoni Ewropeja u l0vantaggi tal-mudell Svizzeru izda ma mhallux lin-nazzjonalisti jiehdu vaganza billi jaharbu mil-problemi attwali tal-pajjiz qisu l-UE se ssibilna l-problemi ghal kollox.

Alfred Mifsud





Friday 6 July 2001

Cover up

The Malta Independent

Cover up

We are witnessing a cover up of mega proportions. As the country is rotting at its core the government media machine keeps us` focussed on the chapters we opened and the chapters we closed, on the transitional` arrangements we secured and on the derogations we are seeking.

Meanwhile most of us continue to suffer in silence, feeling impotent against the state of decadence this country has fallen into. Pick any aspect you wish of the country`s way of life and you will find out that we are in a rotten mess.

Economically we are living on borrowed time. No matter how much we get taxed these additional revenues cannot keep up with the rate` that the government keeps spending our money. Figures for the first five months show that expenditure increased twice as fast as revenue. With all industrial dispute suddenly and magically solved it is only a matter of time until we find out that this industrial state of non-belligerence is being financed by` tax revenues which were originally meant to address the deficit.

Exports are falling, tourism is not growing and profitability has evaporated from most economic sectors. The combined effect of over-investment and reduced demand has produced serious structural problems of over-capacity which will take years to address and only through the painful death of` ill-conceived investment projects. Cash flow is no longer flowing and new investment is the last thing on most entrepreneur`s mind as they are driven into a survival mind-set rather than into an optimism for growth mode.

On the environmental front we are falling to standards below that of the third world.` Our roads are getting worse not better, traffic congestion is eating into our quality time, public transport remains in a pitiful state and lack of waste management has offered us the unappetising choice between being spectators at` contaminated sea resorts or suffering congestion in the few safe beaches left.

Socially we are witnessing the rapid creation of new poverty with people depending solely of the generosity of NGO`s and philanthropic organisations for their survival as the state has neither the means nor the` will to cater for the problems of single mothers, ex-convicts, drug abusers, broken families and other marginalized groupings of society. Trying to get your rights through the court has become expensive on top of` adding more pain and anxiety waiting years for justice to be served even in the simplest of cases.

Yet faced with this lethargic state of affairs the government manages to keep its citizens alienated from demanding a proper account of its non-performance. Instead we are supposed to feel jubilant because now we have been awarded 7 years transition to keep doing a part of what we have been doing for years,` to defend the interest of our citizens of` not` having to compete with foreign workers for the jobs which our economy miraculously create even though investment has vanished.

There was a time when we felt jubilant when we won wars, when we got political independence, when we gained economic independence from the military base, when we secured substantial financial support in grant form from Italy for keeping our neutral status. Not anymore. Our national pride has been so eroded by the lethargy all around us that these days we are expected to feel jubilant for keeping in part what we already have.

What a cover up!

Sunday 1 July 2001

Ridiculing themselves

The Malta Independent on Sunday Ridiculing themselves

The preferred strategy of government and its faithful pro-EU membership choir is not to prove that Malta`s EU membership serves our long-term interest better than Labour`s Swiss model. It is to ridicule Labour`s option as an unrealistic pipedream leaving our country with no alternative but to dissolve our sovereignty into the EU political project.

Visiting dignitaries play well to rehearsed lines that Labour Swiss model is the simultaneous co-existence of two mutually exclusive state of affairs. First we are told that Labour is trying to get membership a la carte,` which is neither fair nor possible. They insist that transitory provisions apart, EU membership is a package deal that must be taken in whole and not selectively. And a few breathes later the same spokespersons do not mind contradicting themselves saying they can`t understand why Labour is pursuing a model which has all the pain but not the gain.

If Labour policy is membership a la carte it should have the gains without the pains, not the other way round.` It`s time for critics to stop ridiculing themselves whilst attempting to ridicule Labour.

And yes, Labour`s Swiss model aims to get the gain without the pain. What`s wrong with that` Don`t all governments try to do it` Is not that why Luxembourg is resisting the full disclosure rules for non resident deposits so much pushed for by the France and Germany Is that not why Germany and Austria have blocked for several years the free movement of citizens from East European candidate countries`

Labour`s model is however based on the factuality that one of Malta`s most powerful negotiating points` in international relations is the geo-political importance of our nation. Thankfully, this` remains much bigger than our size. In a membership context this negotiating edge gets sterilised. We would be in a weak position to use it to negotiate the gains without the pains.

So Labour is not seeking membership, not full, not half, not a la carte, not set menu, nor lavish buffet.` Not because Labour is anti-EU.` Not because Labour feels that the EU should be demonised. But because Labour is realistic enough to accept that the gains without the pains can much more possibly be negotiated within the framework of the Swiss model than within a membership model.

Whatever` demands we make they` will not create any economic problems if the EU were to concede them.` We are too small for that.` But within a membership context such concessions would create problems of precedent.` The EU will find it more difficult to concede points to member Malta that it is not prepared to concede to member Poland.

Within a Swiss model the problems of precedent do not arise. `Switzerland` negotiated several bi-lateral agreements which would have never been possible in a membership context.

Those who prefer to put Malta at the negotiating table divested of its natural competitive advantages go at great length to inform that the EU is no longer interest in making bi-lateral agreements but would only place non-member Malta in the context of other existent regional agreements.

This negotiating posturing is being promoted by EU member governments to ensure that they weaken a future Labour government`s negotiating hand. Clearly nothing is offered on a silver platter.

But if Labour rightly believes that Malta`s geo-strategic position means something for the EU that needs to have strategic control over the continent`s southern flank, Labour deserves to be given the chance to prove that they can negotiate better.

After all the Nationalists have not been negotiating much. They have mostly been ticking off changes in legislation which need to be passed to align ourselves with the acquis and can at most expect a few years delay before the implementation of its full rigour. A few years during which the EU will be transformed into a political project with central decision making and dilution of all veto powers. This would leave` us unprotected from the consequences of strategic and economic forces` that in the context of a large political union Malta`s natural assets need to be used for the common good of the Union. The force to` transform Malta into a fully fledged military base would in the longer term become irresistible.`

Our children will then read in future` history books that between 1964 and 20XX Malta was once an independent sovereign state.` Those who try to win the argument by ridiculing Labour`s option will have some explaining to do for their eagerness to mesh Malta into an significant role within a large political union directed to suit realities very different from our own.

Ridiculing themselves

The Malta Independent on Sunday Ridiculing themselves

The preferred strategy of government and its faithful pro-EU membership choir is not to prove that Malta`s EU membership serves our long-term interest better than Labour`s Swiss model. It is to ridicule Labour`s option as an unrealistic pipedream leaving our country with no alternative but to dissolve our sovereignty into the EU political project.

Visiting dignitaries play well to rehearsed lines that Labour Swiss model is the simultaneous co-existence of two mutually exclusive state of affairs. First we are told that Labour is trying to get membership a la carte,` which is neither fair nor possible. They insist that transitory provisions apart, EU membership is a package deal that must be taken in whole and not selectively. And a few breathes later the same spokespersons do not mind contradicting themselves saying they can`t understand why Labour is pursuing a model which has all the pain but not the gain.

If Labour policy is membership a la carte it should have the gains without the pains, not the other way round.` It`s time for critics to stop ridiculing themselves whilst attempting to ridicule Labour.

And yes, Labour`s Swiss model aims to get the gain without the pain. What`s wrong with that` Don`t all governments try to do it` Is not that why Luxembourg is resisting the full disclosure rules for non resident deposits so much pushed for by the France and Germany Is that not why Germany and Austria have blocked for several years the free movement of citizens from East European candidate countries`

Labour`s model is however based on the factuality that one of Malta`s most powerful negotiating points` in international relations is the geo-political importance of our nation. Thankfully, this` remains much bigger than our size. In a membership context this negotiating edge gets sterilised. We would be in a weak position to use it to negotiate the gains without the pains.

So Labour is not seeking membership, not full, not half, not a la carte, not set menu, nor lavish buffet.` Not because Labour is anti-EU.` Not because Labour feels that the EU should be demonised. But because Labour is realistic enough to accept that the gains without the pains can much more possibly be negotiated within the framework of the Swiss model than within a membership model.

Whatever` demands we make they` will not create any economic problems if the EU were to concede them.` We are too small for that.` But within a membership context such concessions would create problems of precedent.` The EU will find it more difficult to concede points to member Malta that it is not prepared to concede to member Poland.

Within a Swiss model the problems of precedent do not arise. `Switzerland` negotiated several bi-lateral agreements which would have never been possible in a membership context.

Those who prefer to put Malta at the negotiating table divested of its natural competitive advantages go at great length to inform that the EU is no longer interest in making bi-lateral agreements but would only place non-member Malta in the context of other existent regional agreements.

This negotiating posturing is being promoted by EU member governments to ensure that they weaken a future Labour government`s negotiating hand. Clearly nothing is offered on a silver platter.

But if Labour rightly believes that Malta`s geo-strategic position means something for the EU that needs to have strategic control over the continent`s southern flank, Labour deserves to be given the chance to prove that they can negotiate better.

After all the Nationalists have not been negotiating much. They have mostly been ticking off changes in legislation which need to be passed to align ourselves with the acquis and can at most expect a few years delay before the implementation of its full rigour. A few years during which the EU will be transformed into a political project with central decision making and dilution of all veto powers. This would leave` us unprotected from the consequences of strategic and economic forces` that in the context of a large political union Malta`s natural assets need to be used for the common good of the Union. The force to` transform Malta into a fully fledged military base would in the longer term become irresistible.`

Our children will then read in future` history books that between 1964 and 20XX Malta was once an independent sovereign state.` Those who try to win the argument by ridiculing Labour`s option will have some explaining to do for their eagerness to mesh Malta into an significant role within a large political union directed to suit realities very different from our own.

Bdew jinqasmu d-dufrejn

Il-Kullhadd Bdew jinqasmu d-dufrejn

Fl-ahhar zweg hdud ta` Mejju kont ktibt li n-Nazzjonalisti jmorru ghal elezzjoni qabel zmienha meta jinqasmulhom dufrejhom iggranfati mal-poter.` Kont ktibt li hemm sinjali li dawn bdew jinqasmu.

Issa aktar minn sinjali hemm il-provi.` Ghadu kif hareg ir-rapport dwar hrug u dhul tal-gvern ghall-ewwel hames xhur ta` din is-sena, jigifieri minn Jannar sa Mejju.

Id-deficit tal-gvern f`dawn il-hames xhur kien ta` Lm55 miljun medja ta Lm11 il-miljun kull xahar li jekk tibqa sejra fuq sena shiha ttella deficit ta Lm132 miljun. Dan meta il-deficit progettat ghal din is-sena huwa ta` Lm83 miljun!

U tahsbux li l-Lm55 miljun deficit jaghti stampa rejali. Xejn minn dan. Il-Bambin biss jaf kemm hemm kontijiet lura ta` suppliers u kuntratturi. Biss biss skond l-istqarrija tad-dipartiment ta` l-istatistika l-infiq fuq il-provvisti lid-Dipartiment tas-Sahha naqas. Forsi hemm hafna kontijiet pendenti f`xi kexxun`

Tistghu timmaginaw kif dal-gvern jista` jkollu wicc jiffaccja l-poplu b`budget fejn kollox mar zmerc, fejn l-infieq jizdied bid-doppju tar-rata tad-dhul u fejn il-gvern ikun kostrett izid izjed taxi fuq min diga` maghsur`

Jidher li ghandna l-istess pozizzjoni li konna fiha fis-sajf ta` l-1996, hlief li din id-darba il-problemi huma hafna akbar.` Kollox imdendel b`hajta. Il-finanzi tal-gvern ser jixkappaw minkejja li l-poplu ntaxxat sa xfar ghajnejh.` Kumpaniji kbar qeghdin izommu hajja b`mod artificjali sa ma l-banek jiddeciedu li jghalqu il-vit tal-hajja.

Dan huwa xenarju` fejn il-hafna fuq il-poter tan-nazzjonalisti qed tizloq minn taht dufrejhom miksura.` U l-Partit Laburista fi zmien mhux fil-boghod ser jintalab jidhol biex isewwi d-dizastri finanzjarju li rnexxielu jikkrejha il-bravu li biegh il-Mid-Med Bank b`nofs prezz u l-kap tieghu li ghalih Lm10 miljun `l hemm jew `l hawn qishom qxur tal-karawett.

U ghalhekk jehtieg li naghmlu l-affarijiet cari. Il-problemi finanzjarji li ghandu l-pajjiz tant huma kbar li biex jissolvew gvern laburista se jkollu jeghreq l-gharaq tad-demm. Ma hemmx soluzzjonijiet facli.` Ma hemmx soluzzjonijiet bla ma jweggha hadd.` Ma hemmx soluzzjonijiet li jsolvu l-problemi kollha fi ftit xhur.

Izda hemm soluzzjonijiet li kapaci jwettaqhom biss gvern laburista. Soluzzjonijiet li jridu jiehdu konsiderazzjoni ta` dawn il-kriterji kollha.` L-ewwel li min harbat u thanzar irid jaghti kont ta` ghemilu lil poplu Malti. It-tieni li s-soluzzjoni ma tistax tinsab f`zieda fit-taxxi fuq il-konsumatur zghir jew medju. Is-soluzzjoni tinsab fuq tnaqqis fin-nefqa bla razan fil-konsum tal-gvern. Dan ma japplikax ghan-nefqa kapitali ghax din trid tizdied kemm ikun hemm bzonn biex jinholoq ix-xoghol fil-pajjiz, specjalment nefqa fuq it-tahrig ta` haddiema` mhedda li jinkinsu mit-teknologija moderna.

It-tielet huwa li s-soluzzjoni tinsab li pajjizna jerga jaqbad rata ta` tkabbir ekonomiku qawwi mibnija fuq l-esportazzjoni ta` prodotti u servizzi u fuq it-turizmu.` Ghal dan jehtieg nincentivaw u nahdmu ha nigbdu investiment kbir min barra, investiment` li dan il-gvern gerrex bil-poltika ta` shubija fl-UE fejn inkunu ezatt kopja ta` pajjizi ohra.

B`politika serja bhal din ispirata mill-motto ta` Inazzjattiva u Wens qed ssejjah lil Partit Laburista biex mil-gdid jerga` jifdi lil pajjizna li gie mirghun minn amminsitrazzjoni halja ta` Fenech Adami f`dawn l-ahhar erbatax il-sena.

Il-Partit Laburista qed jigi msejjah biex jerga jghix is-snin glorjuzi ta` bejn 1971 u l-1979 meta wettaqna l-miraklu li bdilna il-pajjiz minn fortizza ghal pajjiz li jghix biex xoghol ta` niesu f`attivitajiet kummercjali. Li rridu naghmlu llum mhux akbar minn dak li ghamilna dak in nhar. Izda dan ix-xoghol m`hu kapaci jaghmlu hadd hlief il-Partit Laburista.` `Hekk huwa d-destin ta` dan il-pajjiz ` haddiehor iharbat u l-Partit Laburista irid jerfa`.

Izda min wassal il-pajjiz f`xifer dan il-falliment irid jaghti rendikont shih ta` ghemilu.` Ma nistghux inkunu laxki mieghu.` Inkella jerghu juzaw il-hniena taghna biex mill-bankijiet tal-oppozizzjoni jaghmlu bhal prostituta li titkaza bil-vergni li waqt li tkun qed tnaddaf il-hmieg tal-burdell tidhrilha xi ftit il-libsa ta` taht.

Alfred Mifsud