The Malta Independent on Sunday
What has happened to the substantial minority that had voted against joining the EU this 1st May? Have they changed their mind or have they simply accepted EU membership as an irreversible reality?
What has happened to the substantial minority that had voted against joining the EU this 1st May? Have they changed their mind or have they simply accepted EU membership as an irreversible reality?
As someone who had argued with conviction that there was a better
choice to EU membership I can well explain where I stand now and where I stood
before the referendum.
I believed then and still believe now that given our particular characteristics, EU membership has substantial disadvantages
through disproportionate costs of bureaucracy to comply with the rigour of the
acquis communitaire. I still think that it would have been more smart for us to negotiate on a bilateral basis something
which was more tailor-made to our requirements rather than enter into a
structure which is certainly unsuitable for countries of our
size.
So as a matter of principle my views have not changed. I am however one year older and one year
wiser and certain doubts which I used to have about the feasibility of the
alternative solution have intensified.
I personally never argued the case for or against EU membership in
black or white terms. I have never
argued or even hinted that if the majority decision would be to choose the
membership route then that would be a straight ticket to hell. I always kept my distance from the
unofficial but well cycled clichés of senior MLP exponents who argued against EU
membership in terms of ‘allaharesqatt’ (God
forbid).
My line has been consistent.
There is a better alternative outside membership that suits our
characteristics of size and flexibility much better, but that in the end we can
survive both in and out as both policies offer opportunities and threats. The real difference is ourselves, our
determination and our readiness to do what we have to do with discipline and
consistency and to stop the practice of throwing all caution to the wind for
cheap propaganda gains to extend, seemingly perpetuate, political hold on power
at grave economic costs.
Let me explain this in cola and lemonade terms. Let’s say membership is cola and
non-membership is lemonade. I used to
argue that lemonade is better than cola but I never argued that cola is cyanogenic and kills instantly.
I am one year wiser because the trust I had that in the No side of
the fence there was the stronger sort leadership that is necessary, in the
absence of the EU membership discipline, to make a success of it, has gone. It has evaporated when I saw those who used
to argue that cola kills instantly, re-positioning themselves unashamedly and
argue that cola, while not being the elixir of eternal life that the Yes
campaign often tried to depict, is quite
ok provided you drink it from lemonade bottles.
Even the best marketing guru would have problems selling cola from
lemonade bottles. The perception is
just not right and in business as in politics perception is reality. So when I see much lesser mortals seeking
to perpetuate their stay in power by adopting a complete reversal of their
formal policies, then the doubts I had
on the availability of the leadership qualities to make a success of the No
policy grow to the point of conviction that for all its theoretical merits it
lacked practical application.
And quite frankly I think that the narrow margin that gave a majority
to the Yes side had exactly this on their mind. They were and still are not enthusiastic
about membership. They know that
membership is no magic solution for our economic ills. But they believed that on the No, as much
as on the Yes side, there was no quality leadership to impose the sort of
discipline to stop this country from destroying itself and they preferred the
external discipline of EU membership and eventually the much tighter discipline
of Euro membership in order to save us from ourselves.
For me the issue is closed.
No matter how much I still believe that with the right sort of leadership
we could have cut a much better deal with the EU outside membership, we have to
operate within the boundaries of available or accessible resources. Our leadership qualities could only get us an
off the shelf package warped and twisted to be made to fit us for a transitory
period until we deform our characteristic to fit the off-shelf shape of the
acquired structure.
Now that we know that membership does not kill we have to give it
whatever it takes to ensure that we make the most of
it. And the advantages
of membership is the discipline it should enforce on our leaders to
perform the economic re-structuring without further delay. Without such re-structuring we cannot make
the most of membership.
Membership success has to be measured in terms of the flow of foreign
direct investment we are able to generate because we can be perceived as members
of an organisation with clear rules and guarantees that go with the single
market and eventually the single currency.
Without such investment flows we will wither away as membership on its
own is no guarantee of prosperity. Real
and productive investment is! We
therefore need to waste less energy and resources protecting unproductive jobs
and we need to apply all our resources and energy in creating new productive
ones. Re-structuring is not about
avoiding closures and redundancies. It
is about ensuring that there get created far more job opportunities than the
unavoidable job losses.
And for those who still believe that membership is poison leading to
instant death let me just say how much I admire their consistency. Let me assure them that there is ample space
in a democracy for them to continue seeking to persuade the majority of their
views that the membership deal needs total re-negotiation. But let’s all understand that the priority
is now investment attraction and job creation and that this is best achieved
through a common effort to re-structure and not by obstinate resistance to
change. And if there a case to be made
about the constitutional validity of the referendum then the place to argue this
is in the Constitutional court and ideally it should have been done before the
referendum, though there is no legal bar for a post-event
contestation.
The real challenges are just about to start. Whether they enrich or impoverish us depends
entirely on us.
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