30th November 2007
The Malta Independent - Friday Wisdom
It is turning into a
creativity overdose. The strategic plans published by both the government and
the opposition for the development of the Valletta harbour and surrounding zone, is matching the
anything-you-can-do-I-can-do-better game of promises about goodies to be dished
out by each side if elected.
At least we are being told not only how to
spend it, but also how to earn it. The problem, however, is that both parties
are setting dead lines for execution which stretch well beyond the next
legislature.
The PN puts the arrival date on their time line as 2015,
meaning they need two legislatures to deliver, giving them almost uninterrupted
tenure of office, stretching 28 years. Labour on the other hand give their dateline delivery year as 2020, meaning they would
need three electoral terms to complete the project.
I have nothing
against long-term planning. But in a fast changing world it is often of dubious
value to make plans stretching so far into the future. The political parties
would be more credible if they publish which elements of their plans will get
priority for execution within the next legislature, as, after all, the
electorate will choose a government for five years. No one should assume
re-election down the line.
And of the greatest priority, I hope, would be
a very promising initiative in Labour’s document about
the City Gate bus terminus. Quoting verbatim this reads: “This project will also
include the transfer underground of the City Gate bus terminus …creating a
pedestrian area from the Malls
Gardens right to the City
centre”.
If we do anything, we have to do this project. The present bus
terminus and surrounding kiosks are an insult to the World Heritage Site that is
Valletta. Irrespective of whether
the existing City Gate is appropriate or not for a walled city, what is
certainly inappropriate is having its main pedestrian access point a perfectly
organised confusion, with pedestrians criss-crossing among moving buses. The kiosks, with
merchandise overflowing onto the pavement and often covered or protected by wind
breakers – more appropriate for fields rather than for retailing outlets in a
prime area – are a display of shabbiness and proof of poor standards.
I
just returned from Salzburg where I could admire the
cute wooden stalls erected in perfect order side by side to create a temporary
Christmas Market in the city centre. For a market lasting a handful of weeks,
Salzburg organises perfectly designed and uniform stalls. For kiosks
being used day in day out in our City entrance, we have no power of persuasion
or measures of discipline to impose a uniform and organised approach.
Less appealing is Labour’s proposal to develop the Royal
Theatre site into an office building for financial services, to create a
financial district in the area comprising the Stock Exchange and the
Central Bank.
Valletta is appropriate to be a
city for the citizen, not for business. A financial district attracting
international business would have little inter-action with either the Stock
Exchange or the Central Bank. More likely their interaction would be with MFSA
as regulator, located on the Mriehel by pass.
It makes little sense to load further traffic and parking stress on
Valletta, by adding business
traffic to the private commercial attractions which draw huge crowds to
Valletta each day. If we succeed
in attracting business to form an international financial district, then its
ideal location would be the site presently occupied by the Marsa power station, due to go out of business by 2015. On
the SmartCity model it should be possible to attract
PPP interest to develop this site and give a soul to the inner harbour area.
The Royal Theatre site ought to be
developed into a project which meets the needs of the residents and tourists
that daily throng in Valletta. Primarily for tourists,
especially the cruise line visitors who are here for only a few hours and have
no real opportunity to get to know us, it would be ideal if we could mount a
visual display of our unique collection of prehistoric temples and cultural
treasures there. The purpose would be to whet their appetite for a longer
visit.
Rather than house complete government departments like the Inland
Revenue, as Labour propose, this site should embody customer service points of
the various government departments and national entities, giving us a single
building where people can get a complete service without having to go from east
to west and north to south. With Social Services department just across the
road, a building servicing passports, ID cards, income tax enquiries and
education department services would go a long way in offering a focused service
point releasing many other buildings to house more appropriate cultural and
commercial activities. I would even tolerate the housing of the parliament
building here if it released precious space in the Presidential palace for more
appropriate touristic and cultural uses.
Before
spreading ourselves too thin in a multitude of projects stretching over several
legislatures, we need to focus on the urgent work needed to give
Valletta the pedestrian access it
deserves and to render it a city for the people.
23rd November 2007
The Malta Independent - Friday Wisdom
We had two different
types of cash piles in the news this week. The one closer to home was discussed
at the general meeting for the shareholders of Maltacom plc, now officially
renamed GO plc, where the shareholders rightfully
queried the company executive what it plans to do the some thirty million liri of liquidity sitting in the company’s books for which
there is no evident purpose.
Given the very low level of market price at
which the shares of Maltacom have been trading on the
Malta Stock Exchange, some 12 per cent below privatisation price on the sale of majority shareholding to
TECOM which of itself was some 25 per cent below the last trading price before
the announcement of the acquisition price, shareholders rightfully demanded why
the executive should not put their money where their mouth is and start buying
back the company’s own shares on the market. This would
be a very powerful signal to the shareholders that the executive considers that
the market is seriously undervaluing the company and could kick start fresh
demand for the Company’s shares which would drive the price to a more realistic
level.
Rather than accept such suggestion as a practical way of returning
funds that the company does not need for its own development to its
shareholders, the Chairman was reported as defending the holding of such
excessive liquidity to finance overseas projects being eyed by the
company.
I would not wish to enter into the merits of how appropriate it
is for Maltacom to give priority to such foreign
acquisitions over returning capital to shareholders as obviously I have no
access to information on how attractive such foreign investments could be.
However I know that there are not many acquisition targets with a price tag of
thirty million liri. On top of that I feel that
shareholders never invested in Maltacom to finance
foreign acquisitions. Given that the majority shareholders ought to have no
problem to finance their acquisitions themselves outside the Maltacom framework it is prudent to give Maltacom’s small shareholders the final say as to whether
they want their executive to use the company’s excess liquidity to finance
foreign acquisitions or to return capital to shareholders.
However this
brings home another important point that I had raised at the time of the sale of
a majority stake in Maltacom by government to Tecom. Given that the share price was arrived at on the
basis of estimation of future operating cash flows from the core Malta
operations rather than on the value of present assets, why did government not
distribute the excess cash, surplus to operational requirement, to the
shareholders (itself included) before the transfer to TECOM?
This is an
enigma that was never satisfactorily explained or answered and together with the
failure to transfer out of Maltacom the valuable Qawra land before sale to TECOM, makes this one and only
privatisation under the Gonzi administration a failure. Whether it can be justified
in a wider context on the basis of TECOM’s investments
in Smart
City remains to be seen even
though the government had itself insisted that the two matters are not connected
and each deal had to stand on its own two feet.
The other cash pile in
the news is the foreign reserves in the hands of the oil exporters and emerging
markets economies, including China,
India,
Russia and
Brazil who among them are now
holding 75 per cent of the global foreign exchange reserves. This is a far cry
from the Asia crisis and
Russia default of 1998 when
such countries had very thin foreign exchange reserves to withstand the sudden
outflow of hot money from their economies.
The US dollar keeps falling
and comes within a whisker of a landmark of 1.50 for every Euro. The argument is
being heard more insistently whether the USD still has the merits to remain the
principal reserve currency of the world and the unit of account for pricing
international commodities such as oil, metals and wheat amongst
others.
As the US economy slows down under the weight of its housing
crisis and seems to be moving closer towards the edge of a recession, the
outlook for the USD, at least in the short term, remains poor. If the Federal
Reserve has to cuts US interest rates still
further to protect the economy from a recession, this will continue to devalue
the external value of the USD and will give rise to continued concern to
emerging economies about the wisdom of continuing to accumulate such USD amongst
their foreign reserves.
With the Euro just about to celebrate its ninth
year of existence its fate of becoming a reserve currency with comparable weight
to the USD seems to be materialising much earlier than
anyone could have imagined especially when just 5 year years ago the Euro was
trading at some 80 cents for every USD. It has nearly doubled its value against
the USD in just over five years.
The status of reserve currency brings
much greater responsibility as well as considerable pain at the adoption stage
as the rate tends to overshoot causing problems of competitiveness for domestic
producers. But if this is accepted as a challenge of creative destruction, i.e.
the replacement of non competitive units by new investment in higher value-added
competitive units attracted by the reserve currency status, then the long term
benefits from the switch the cash piles of emerging countries from USD to Euro
could be enormous.
16th November 2007
The Malta Independent - Friday Wisdom
Ever since the Prime
Minister decided not to go for a general election on this side of Christmas I
perceive a certain loss of composure and self-confidence on the PN’s side diluting the boost they had received through the
impact of the Budget novelties.
The decision to hold the election after
the Euro changeover date should have been a sign of confidence by government in
its ability to engineer a smooth changeover without any abnormal inflationary
impulses due to the rounding up of prices upon conversion of the
currency.
Yet government suddenly seems to have been gripped by fear that
it has allowed itself hostage to fortune, as it is practically impossible to
avoid some rounding up price pressures. Though insignificant in the grand scheme
of things of how inflation is measured, such price pressures coming during an
election campaign could be quite powerful points of criticism in the hands of
the opposition and could very well prove a useful tool to discredit the image of
a safe pair of hands that the PN wants to portray upon their
leader.
Reality is that prices increase all the time. It is unrealistic
to expect zero inflation and indeed such a hypothesis could be economically
dangerous as it could tilt the economy into a depression, i.e. a general level
of price reductions which would kill off demand in the economy as people will
wait to buy tomorrow at a cheaper price what they can buy today at a higher
price. The European Central Bank has an official inflation target of below but
close to two per cent.
What must be avoided as much as possible is a
widespread process of rounding up of prices as a direct result of the currency
changeover. Government could have passed a law to prohibit price increases but
given that we have a market economy and given the difficulty in policing and
enforcing such law, government opted for something more effective and more
practical. The voluntary agreements for price stability until March 2008 are not
intended to ensure eternal price stability. They are merely intended to ensure
that suppliers voluntarily bind themselves to keep prices stable over the
currency change over period; to ensure that the consumer is given time to adjust
to the new currency regime. Of course price increases after March 2008 are
possible and indeed probable. But by then the consumer would know that these are
price increases in the normal course of things and not price increases through
abuse as a result of the currency changeover.
The best safeguard against
price increases is free market competition and easily accessible information
where the consumer can compare prices. After March 2008 we will have the same
price policies based on the free market concept as we had in every March of
recent years.
Government seems to have lost its confidence to explain
such simple things and is somehow allowing the virtue of price stability
agreements to be changed into a perceived vice of possible price increases after
March 2008 without effectively explaining and defending its totally rational
position.
Another sign of government losing its composure is the pitiful
reply which the Prime Minister gave to a Super One journalist about the expected
completion date for the Manwel Dimech bridge project.
This project is celebrating its quccija these days.
It should have been completed by now, yet work
is still proceeding on the St Julian’s Bay side of the bridge. The work on the
Swieqi side has yet to start. The Prime Minister simply refused to be committed
to a completion date for the project.
The obvious answer should have been
that the contractor involved has been committed to finish the project by such
and such a date and failure to do so would involve penalties which the
government will invoke with rigour.
Yet the
Prime Minister’s obstinate refusal to commit his government to a definite
completion date shows he is not in control things and that is hardly typical of
a safe pair of hands.
I have no idea what made the Prime Minister discard
the idea of seeking a refreshed mandate on this side of Christmas.
Maybe
the hope and expectation of a Christmas laden with feel-good factor, a smooth
currency changeover and tangible result of budget – measures which will be
included in the January pay slip – has persuaded the PN that it stands a better
chance in February than in December.
They are possibly under-estimating
the perceived, not necessarily the real, inflationary effect of the Euro and may
be they are expecting lasting gratitude from the electorate for the economic
boost families have been given by the Budget measures. Possibly the PN have
under-estimated the reality that novelty wears out quickly and budget measures
quickly solidify into a given and the electorate would be more impressed by
fresh election campaign novelties rather than by yesterday’s news.
The PN
could possibly soon regret their decision not to go for a 2007 election. On the
other hand, they could find some comfort that their faux pas is well matched by
Labour’s misplaced criticism of the quality of health
services being provided at Mater Dei instead of focusing their criticism on the
gross absence of value for money in this project.
9th November 2007
The Malta Independent - Friday Wisdom
Central Bankers are
generally very boring people. They have more independence than most other
national organisations, an independence almost at par
with that of judiciary outside Pakistan. They are tasked to keep
the value of money stable but the only tool they have to do so is a very blunt
one. Central banks are in charge of monetary policy which in simple language
seeks to control the level of interest rates in the economy.
As the
theory goes, if an economy is growing more than its potential, the excess demand
will translate itself into rising prices so the Central Bank tightens monetary
policy by raising interest rates to convince people to consume less and save
more and thus bring back demand to within the economy’s potential. If on the
other hand the economy is growing very slowly and below its potential causing
excessive price stability or deflation through price reductions, central banks
tend to lower interest rates to stimulate demand and kick start the
economy.
Central banks get into a quagmire when they are faced with an
economy with low real growth and high inflation as any attempt to stimulate the
economy by lowering interest rates to stimulate demand could complicate an
existing inflation problem. On the other hand, if they raise interest rates to
address inflation they could throw a low growth economy into an outright
recession.
When faced with such stark choices of conflicting objectives,
central banks in developed economies that enjoy true independence from the
executive are generally expected to give priority to the inflation objective.
Quite often this would irk politicians whose objective time frames are generally
as short as the date of the next elections. This is the reason why central banks
cherish their independence which is the corner stone of the euro monetary
system.
Changes in interest rates, unless of a draconian nature in the
Paul Volcker style in the early 1980s, would only have
an effect on the real economy with substantial time lag and this is why central
bankers, boring as they may be, are expected to stay ahead of the economic curve
and model their interest rates decisions to pre-empt problems rather than to
address them. Otherwise interest rate changes decided today will have their real
effect in 12 or 18 months down the road when the problems may have changed. So
unless central banks stay ahead of the curve they could be prescribing a
medicine unsuitable for the malady.
This could explain why for example
presently there are people who query whether the US Federal Reserve is fuelling
inflation by cutting interest rates too soon and by too much while others are
arguing whether the European Central Bank is asphyxiating growth in Europe by
not cutting interest rates and letting the Euro appreciate too much.
If
central bankers are boring people, Maltese central bankers should be doubly so.
They will no longer have monetary policy to administer as of 1 January and given
that they have already lost banking regulation to the MFSA and exchange control
to history, I sympathise with those who might think
that our central bankers will be quite relaxed, outside their economic research
department, as from next year and hard put to justify the use of their current
resources, both human and physical.
So it is quite amazing that on the
eve of joining the euro our Central Bank seems to have entered into an argument
with the government about release of excessive foreign reserves to pay off part
of the national debt. What’s more funny is that this duel is being made with the
Times of Malta who are acting as an unofficial proxy for the government so that
the latter avoids giving the impression that it is challenging the independence
of the central bank.
Leaving technical issues aside, as these could be
quite complicated, the crux is whether the excess reserves that are not required
to cover the currency in circulation component under the new euro regime should
continue to be administered by the Central Bank or released to government to pay
off the national debt.
Those who argue that this will save us millions in
interest servicing costs of the public debt seem to forget that this will be
neutralised by lower profits by the central bank which
in the end would flow back to the public exchequer. So we will lose on the
swings what we gain on the roundabout.
Personally I would prefer to see
these reserves stay with the Central Bank if for nothing for the avoidance of
the possibility of giving this and future governments
capacity to rebuild the public debt and still stay within the euro rules. On the
other hand the Central Bank has to start practicing what they preach and explain
what measures they would be taking to improve their efficiency given their
reduced workload. They should also be more transparent about their performance
in the management of foreign reserves.
Small fry investment services
operators entrusted by their clients with portfolio management are under the new
MiFID regime expected to report performance every
quarter against a declared benchmark. Why should our professionals at the
Central Bank avoid measuring their performance publicly against a benchmark
given they are handling pretty high figures with several zeros behind the
digits?
There is another enigma with the business of central banking.
When things are going well central banks target their monetary policy to keep
retail prices under control but take very little interest in asset price
inflation. For example the Central Bank never pitched their interest rate policy
to control the real estate price explosion of recent years. When things turn
bad, as is happening presently in the
US housing market which
inevitably spills itself into the financial markets and possibly on the general
economy, central banks start cutting interest rates aggressively in order to
stabilise the economy and create a cushion for a soft
landing.
But something is wrong somewhere. What applies to the downside
should also apply to the upside which can only be done if central banks include
asset price inflation in their monetary policy stance and if they have direct
regulatory control over the markets not only in the banking sector but also on
its periphery that contribute to asset price inflation or outright asset price
bubbles. The whole regulatory regime needs to be re-engineered in the light of
the 2007 experience.
2nd November 2007
The Malta Independent - Friday Wisdom
If anything stands out
clear from the budget debate it is that both the government and the opposition
are on political trip of fiscal patchwork that sees no further than the next
election. The short-termism is palpable.
To my
point of view the objective of a budget ought to be the delivery of sound fiscal
policy that stimulates operational efficiency and long-term sustainable economic
growth to develop the economy to its full potential.
To achieve such
objective a budget has to carry as proximate targets the need to keep marginal
taxes low enough to stimulate economic activity and promote tax compliance by
making it more economic than tax evasion. It also has to minimise transfer payments as these serve to bloat the
government’s share of the economy and leads to inefficiencies as the government
takes money from taxpayers with one hand and gives it back to same taxpayers
with the other hand without adding value. It just adds inefficiencies as the
government takes our taxes and gives us back part of our own money in children’s
allowances.
The budget fails to generate such vision. It effectively does
the opposite. Marginal tax rate is kept at 35 per cent, which is high by today’s
standards when many competitor countries are working with flat tax rates at
around 20 per cent or less. There is no vision to continue with the shift of
fiscal impact from earnings to expenditure and instead leaves the economy to
operate with marginal tax rates that are high enough to make evasion more
economic than compliance.
Furthermore we continue with the social
blasphemy in our fiscal laws where the fruit of labour
is charged at a rate (35 per cent) higher than the fruit of capital (15 per cent
in case of withholding tax application on investment income).
The
opposition proposal to exempt overtime from income tax further complicates
matters as it creates distortions in the composition of pay packages and
discriminates against white collar middle income employees who are not paid
overtime. It also discriminates against blue collar and junior white collar
employees who in the absence of overtime opportunities at their main employment
supplement their income through part-time jobs.
Our fiscal structure
needs a total overhaul. It certainly can do without pre-election patchwork which
puts some sugar on the front end and makes the long-term overhaul that much more
difficult.
Our objectives should be twofold. To reduce marginal tax rates
to the same level of the VAT rate so that we will have one common rate
throughout the economy applicable to all marginal income, whatever its sources,
and to all marginal expenditure. This rate will be low enough to make compliance
more economic than evasion as the experience with withholding tax on investment
income clearly indicates.
The second objective should be to reduce
transfer payments so that the individual interacts with the government at only
one point i.e. through taxation which could be positive or negative. The only
other point of interaction would be in payment of contributory benefits like
pensions the arrangements for which will remain intact.
Such a system
would ensure that all government departments, with very few exceptions like
justice, law enforcement, foreign affairs and the revenue departments, would
operate on a strict commercial basis with as wide competition as possible to
ensure maximum efficiency. The government would retract itself to become the
enforcer of standards and consumer protection and will reduce its role even in
delivery of services that can be delivered by market forces even in the field of
infrastructure and maintenance, education and health.
This is not a
vision that could be implemented through a single budget in a big bang method.
But each budget has to make a contribution towards this destination. Regrettably
the 2008 budget takes us in the opposite direction and proposals from the
opposition do not help either.
We have lost our vision which needs to go
much further than optimistic hopes of balancing the budget by 2010. We have to
target growth, real growth at our maximum potential. We have to extend the
limits of our potential and we have to economise on
the use of resources by giving a huge impetus to efficiency by changing the way
we do things around here. That which in MBA programmes is commonly referred to
as the culture.
Electoral exigencies conditions politicians to fiscal
patchwork. Let’s hope the newly elected government will focus of fiscal
restructuring that deliveries the bacon over a medium
term so that we can continue to earn an enhanced standard of living in a very
competitive world.