This article was published in The Malta Independent on Sunday - 12th January 2014
10 months ago a new government was sworn in following a clear-cut
election result.
Labour was mandated to govern for a five year legislature with
majorities that leave absolutely no doubt about what the electorate
wanted. The PN were given a trashing
and a lesson about the truism that under the sun nothing lasts for ever.
Nobody expected a new Labour government to start functioning
effectively immediately. They had to
take over an executive corpse where all decision making positions were filled over
a quarter century by successive PN governments that gave priority to party
loyalty rule over meritocracy.
Nobody expected that the PN will gracefully slip into Opposition and
focus on internal regeneration.
Old habits tend to die hard and adjustment to the new reality had to
take some time.
But 10 months down the road I find it strange that the PL government
often still acts as if it is in opposition and the PN opposition acts as it
were still in government.
Nothing bears truth to this better than the way government and
opposition have behaved regarding the Individual Investor Programme (IIP) –
Citizenship Scheme.
Small countries like us must innovate in order to prosper. We do not have the economies of scale to
beat larger competitors by playing their game.
We must play a different game.
We must differentiate ourselves and move fast in doing so before others
catch up. Particularly in sectors where
we have no intrinsic natural advantages (as we have in tourism and to some
extent in manufacturing) we had to devise new innovative ways to compete.
In financial services, gaming and back office services we have used
our intrinsic advantages of having a well-educated, English speaking,
competitively priced work-force and network of professional services, and coupled them with
fiscal advantages which competitors with large legacy fiscal base find it
impossible to imitate. Our best kept
open secret is that our full imputation corporate tax system effectively means
that on profit distribution the shareholder is given full credit for the
corporate tax paid on the distributed profits.
This essentially renders our effective corporate tax as zero permitting
flexibility in taxing dividend recipients in a way that renders us tax
competitive for corporates booking their international profits through Malta
without attracting the international bashing recently served upon Ireland,
Luxembourg and Netherlands that are constrained to devise ad hoc tax structures
for what we can do unobtrusively through mainstream tax systems.
The PN government had the full explicit and implicit co-operation of
the Labour opposition in building and adapting these financial and tax
structures right from the beginning of the offshore regime in 1988 to all
developments and adaptation up to the current regime. All legislative measures were passed with
consensus and debates often where held in camera where differences were trashed
out away from the spotlight.
The IIP is a further innovation to extend our international services
offering. Many EU countries already
offer golden visas permitting free movement within the EU with minimal
residency requirements without the need to pay anything upfront except making moderate
investment in real estate. Launching a
similar scheme would have presented no competitive edge and no upfront fee
which we can use to build a sovereign
wealth fund (SWF) with which to finance infrastructure
investments ideally on a PPP basis.
Offering citizenship gives us the innovation edge but opens up
certain risks which had to be addressed.
The first risk was filtering out unsavoury characters. To ensure that we do not tarnish our
reputation as an honourable financial centre it was necessary to set up robust
due diligence tests and to reserve the final judgement on each
application. There was the risk of
perception by our EU and visa waiver partners of our adopting beggar thy
neighbour policies to cash in on privileges, offering them wholesale to
non-residents. This needed the
establishment of fixed quotas. There
was the risk of our being perceived as desperate for new revenue sources to
close up some dangerous fiscal hole.
This needed assurance that with or without the IIP our fiscal accounts
were in good shape and that most of the funds would be allocated separately to
SWF type of investments rather than taking it into the mainstream budget to
finance operational expenditure.
In all these matters the Labour government operated as if it were
still in opposition, effective in generating ideas but with no experience of
execution. It took various tweaks,
showing an unsteady hand at the wheel, to bring the scheme to a form which
addresses the risks and gains support from interested private sector
players. Labour should learn from this
event that the best ideas could be ruined through lackadaisical execution.
The PN opposition on the other hand behaved in denial of the message
that the electorate gave them last March.
They could have disagreed with the Scheme on a matter of principle,
voted against it and refused to enter negotiations. That’s how democracies work. But entering into negotiations and seeking
consensus on the basis of my way or the highway is not fit for purpose. Threatening to revoke what predecessor
governments would have legally contracted portrays us as a banana republic
especially if the opposition gloats about it on foreign media.
The Opposition has a duty to oppose but pretending it has the right to impose the minority view on the majority is
no way to run a democracy. Arguments
that public opinion was generally against the Scheme hardly works in a
democracy. No serious government can
govern on the basis of public opinion.
No serious government can execute by opinion polls. Governments govern over a legislature,
execute in terms of law, and after that if generally they do more right than
wrong they get re-elected and if not they get replaced.
As we start a new year and the first full year of this legislature
it is time for our political democracy to revert to normal operations. The government has a mandate to govern. It should consult before deciding, it should
seek as broad an approval as possible, but once it decides it has to move on.
The PN has to accept that it is no longer in government. If they cannot find the inner strength to
sustain the consensus they enjoyed from Labour opposition (even in areas where Labour had reservations) in so far as financial services
and such matters, they should register their disagreement but allow to
government to move on with their mandate, warts and all. The more warts the more probable they can
convince the electorate to change their mandate when elections are due again.
It is time for both sides to respect the electorate’s mandate. The government has to govern, the opposition
has a right to oppose but the duty to let the government govern even where they
disagree.
And it is super-rich from the Opposition to pretend to influence
their way the choice of the next President.
They appointed their own ever since the late Pawlu Xuereb was removed
from Acting President and in the process appointed three ex-Ministers and one
ex-Prime Minister from their own stables.
Only when they won the 2008 election
by a hair’s breadth margin they made the only token concession to Labour
by appointing to the Presidency Dr George Abela who as time has proven had all
the merits for the position irrespective of his political affiliation.
This is not to say that Labour should compulsory appoint one of
their own. The chosen candidate should
be appointed on the basis of merit and ability to unite the nation. The political class should not be considered
as having the exclusive patrimony of such merits.
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