Malta EU Relations 1 - Nationalist Misnomer

The Times of Malta



What`s happening to the Euro-philes` Why is it that as the moment of truth gets nearer and as details about EU membership start being unfolded and understood, they seem to have become overly sensitive to any criticism, to any doubts expressed by anybody who refuses to accept given conclusions`

I bear no grudges against the EU.` I respect the countries that compose it and the others eager to join. The EU has been a most positive factor in post war Europe and certainly brought about peace, stability and prosperity to the European continent and beyond.

This does not however logically lead to closing of the case for Malta`s accession to membership. Much less should it lead to Euro-philes acquiring any right to denigrate whoever expresses any doubt.

Malta must weigh its options for its future relationship with the EU on two main platforms, economic and political.` On the economic front the major difference between the two political forces is broadly, though not exactly, one of time frames. The Government in its drive towards urgent accession to the EU is prepared to restructure our economy on the EU model whatever the cost, whatever the consequences. Given that our economy is operating on a model far from congruent with the EU one, the restructuring pain is bound to be deep and resentful. So resentful that the whole quick EU accession project is flawed.

The excessive speed of re-structuring will stamp the EU in people`s mind as something painful, stringent and tough thus denying support for the project right when most needed, during the referendum.

On the other hand a more sober transition will make the re-structuring pain bearable and will convince the people that re-structuring is necessary for our own sake and not compulsorily linked to the EU accession model. It would permit the electorate to look at the accession to the EU project more objectively.

Clearly there remains the difference between the two political schools as to` whether agricultural and services should be integrated in the free-trade zone. Labour`s official policy is that it will decide the next steps after achieving the free-trade zone in manufactured goods. So presuming that the next steps forward would be towards more integration it would be sensible to assume they would include an` extension of the free trade zone to agriculture and services, to customs union and to free movement of people and capital.` This is after all what the EU-Swiss model is all about, financial sector excluded.

The biggest gap between our political schools on the EU issue is therefore on the political philosophy.` This is not a difference related to time frames.` This is a difference of concepts.

I for one have been arguing forcefully that EU accession would take away one of our natural strengths, that of having a political strategic importance far greater than our size.` Some critics have been amazed that I have had the audacity to ask whether tiny Malta what effectively retain its statehood in the unfolding years following accession to the EU. How dare you, runs the argument, question Malta`s statehood within the EU if Italy, France, UK, Germany and the rest have maintained their own.

The warning attached to advertising of financial products that past performance is no guarantee of the future is very apt even to this political argument. It is not how much sovereignty these countries have maintained so far. It is how much they can maintain in the future.

In private meetings many EU spokesmen give comfortable re-assurances about preservation of our statehood, often adding that Malta`s strategic geo-political importance has diminished.` Official pronouncements do however carry much more wait than small party talk.` Both the first Avis of 1993 and the second Avis of` 1999 make very categorical statements that Malta would be expected to comply with the future pan European defence arrangements.` Specifically the up-dated Avis of Feb 99 states:

`Although government has stated its intention to support the objectives of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the principle of neutrality and non-alignment set-out in the Maltese constitution could lead to difficulties in future CFSP arrangements of the Union`.

I therefore have no compunction in questioning how much sovereignty would EU accession allow us to enjoy. The answers to these can only come after the EU institutional arrangements are re-configured followed the Inter-Governmental Conference about to start. I need answers as to whether we will be allowed to opt-out of the CSFP arrangements, whether we will be given the same veto rights as other members, whether we will have a Commissioner, whether we will take our turn for Presidency of the EU and whether the Maltese language will have any place in the EU bureaucracy Only when the answers to these questions is known can attempts be made to bring about convergence between our two political schools.

For those to whom Malta`s statehood is an expired concept, they do not care about the answer to these questions and are prepared to press on the accelerator regardless. Whilst having a right to their opinion at least they should desist from calling themselves nationalists.

Alfred Mifsud