The
Malta Independent
on Sunday
Are we in the process of swapping a deficit in government’s fiscal
position for a structural deficit in the balance of payment of the whole
country?
Let’s establish the statistical facts. Between 2003 and 2006 the fiscal deficit has
been coming down from the near double figures it was since 1996 to an expected
outturn of under 3% of the GDP in the current fiscal
year, nicely slipping below the Maastricht criteria for eventual Euro entry.
However during the same period the deficit in the current account of
the country’s balance of payments has deteriorated from 4.53% of the GDP in 2003
to 7.58% in 2004 to 11.02% in 2005 and 14.95% in the first quarter of
2006.
Normally the fiscal deficit moves quite in tune with the balance of
payments deficits. Structural fiscal
deficits generally contribute to the development of structural balance of
payments deficits. Fiscal deficits by
their own nature increase purchasing power in the hands of the private sector as
the government spends more than it takes in through taxes. This enables consumers to increase
consumption which in open economies easily leaks externally through increased
import consumption thus leading to development of balance of payment
deficits.
Why is it then that in Malta we are seeing an inverse relationship of rapidly deteriorating
balance of payments position in the context of steadily improving budget
position of the public sector? Should
not the improving budgetary position actually reduce consumption spending thus
contributing to an improving balance of payments position?
I can think of two reasons why we seem to be going against the
conventional trend. The first one
relates to the way the budget deficit gets financed. Given that public sector budgetary deficits
are financed internally through local borrowing without any resort to external
borrowing means that the extra spending power caused by the deficits in the
first place is generally neutralised by the borrowing
function. Consequently when budget
deficit start reducing it does not really impinge on consumption patterns as the
need to borrow less internally would leave a compensatory amount of spending
power in the hands of the consumers.
Another evident reason for this inverse relationship is that the
improvement in government’s fiscal position is happening in the background of a
substantial deterioration in Malta’s terms of trade with its trading partners
particularly due to the increased cost of energy, the demand for which seems to be
pretty inelastic i.e. not quite sensitive to price movements given that energy
consumption is quite often a necessity without much discretion regarding its
use.
Consequently we are having to pay much more
for importing the same volume of energy and there is no compensating increase in
the prices we charge for our exports of goods and services.
You can hear the painful moans of factories and hotels because they cannot pass on to their clients
energy price hikes, causing
deterioration in profitability unless they can extract better productivity from
their work-force and their investments.
Indeed making such investments will place further strain on the current
account position of the balance of payments as imports of capital goods is a
direct charge as normal merchandise imports whereas the productivity gains from
such investments can only accrue over an extended future
period.
So coming down to brass tacks is the burgeoning imbalances in the
country’s external payments position worrisome?
Is it sustainable and could it lead to unpleasantries as often experienced by countries that endure
extended periods of such balance of payments deficits?
The answer to these questions depends on many factors that cannot be
clearly foreseen. A few years of
balance of payments deficits can be tolerated if they are followed by period of
compensatory surpluses. The balance
of payments current account deficits could be carried without developing into
a crisis for
quite an extended period provided they get compensated by surpluses on the
capital account. The capital account
is the funds flows regarding investment rather than trade payments and surpluses
on the capital account means that deficit of the current account can be carried
without loss of official external reserves which are indispensable in a
comfortable measure to deliver a stable rate of exchange
policy.
If the surplus on the capital account reflects long term investments
into the country than the situation gets much more comfortable than if it
reflects short term hot money seeking some temporary advantage. The latter could easily reverse at the
slightest hint of macro-economic instability and could by themselves make a
small macro-economic problems balloon into a full blown crisis as happened in
1997 to Asian economies, as happened to
Iceland earlier this year and as is happening in developing European
economies of Turkey and Hungary right at this very moment.
Whilst not alarming, three years of sharply deteriorating balance of
payments position can only be neglected at our own peril. A problem does not just go away by
pretending it does not exist. The
monetary authorities ought to inform us whether they are concerned and what
measures they counsel to return to a healthy balance of payments position in the
shortest time possible.
The monetary authorities should also express an opinion whether they
see any link between the surpluses on the capital account and asset price
inflation in real estate and equity values experienced during these last three
years. If there is, as I indeed
maintain, then the monetary authorities have to explain whether control of
assets prices to avoid asset price bubbles, which could cause financial
instability when they unavoidably burst,
is within the scope of their price stability mandate or whether they see
such mandate limited to consumption prices.
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