This article was published in The Malta Independent on Sunday - 13.01.2013
The Prime Minister repeatedly seeks credit
for the fact that Malta did not suffer the same fate as Greece, Ireland,
Portugal and Spain that had to be bailed out by the EU when their fiscal budget
went out of control. Recently he
started adding Cyprus to the list of victims as the country is on the verge of
asking for a bailout given that its banking system had been crushed by its
exposure to Greece.
This very argument makes mockery of previous
claims that our membership in the Euro monetary system saved us from the
financial crisis. All these countries
are Euro members and were not saved. So
why should anyone claim that our Euro membership has saved us?
Countries within the Euro were scarred by
the financial crisis just as much as countries outside it. On the contrary countries outside the Euro,
like Norway, Switzerland, Czech Republic and Poland have sailed through the
financial crisis fairly undamaged if not outright strengthened.
The evidence shows that it is not being in
or out of the Euro that matters. It is
the macro stability of the overall country that matters. Unfortunately with hind-sight it is now
accepted that the Euro rules, even had they been rigidly applied and observed,
were meant to make severe restrictions on government fiscal operations but were
blind to the much more relevant macro stability factors like balance of
payments deficits, competitiveness and employment.
Before the crisis hit Ireland and Spain
were the posters boys of sound economic management when measured by the Euro
criteria. Their governments ran
surpluses, and their debt levels were very low in comparison to their GDP. No attention was however given to the fact
that the country as whole was suffering excessive balance of payments deficits,
that their banks were lending for construction investment far more than
domestic savings could finance, and that the economy was building undue
reliance towards construction, real estate and housing financed by excessive
credit.
When the crisis hit the property bubble
burst, borrowers could not honour their loan repayment to banks just as the value of their mortgaged
property fell below the amount borrowed and banks were rendered illiquid and
insolvent as they had to write off or make provisions for non recovery of loans
that could not be serviced.
To salvage the banking system the governments
of Spain and Ireland had to intervene in support and take on the public sector severe
financial strains in a desperate effort to protect the whole economy from the
mess created by excessive and irresponsible lending by private banks. The banks’ failure would have ruined the
economy as depositors and bondholders would have been forced to suffer severe
losses in the absence of governments’
intervention.
The same fate was suffered by non-Euro
Iceland which however has shown greater capacity to restructure and grow
through its flexibility to devalue its own currency, an economic tool not
available to Euro members in distress.
In spite of the Gonzi government claiming
credit for steering our country away from the misfortunes suffered by countries
forced to seek bailout, the simple truth was that our fiscal deficit and our
debt levels before the crisis of 2008 were worse than those of Ireland, Spain
and Cyprus and not much better than that of Portugal. Greece was a basket case in its own right.
What has saved us is that the country as a
whole, rather than the government, was a creditor to the outside world. Our banks never indulged in excessive
lending beyond what could be financed by domestic savings. Our banks did not need to access foreign
lines of credit on the international wholesale market to finance their lending. On the contrary our banks only lent around
70% of their stable domestic deposit base and had sufficient extra liquidity to
buy government bonds whenever government needed to finance its deficits on the
local capital markets. Consequently
even the government had no need to tap foreign sources to finance its borrowings
and could rely on local savings to finance itself at moderate rates and on a
well structured maturity profile avoiding frequent debt rollovers.
I reiterate that the credit for avoiding the crisis does not belong to the government but to the private sector whose high propensity to save has financed all our borrowing requirements internally. We have avoided the crisis in spite of the government’s massive borrowing requirement not because of it.
Now to add insult to injury the Gonzi
government is resorting to atrocious scaremongering. They are claiming repeatedly that if a PL
government is elected on 9th March than as if by magic the country
would be forced to seek a bailout.
Even if there were any truth in such claims
it is utter irresponsibility to make them so explicitly. Business and economic management is built on
confidence and the PN, as a major political party which if not in government is
in opposition, should be more careful in making any claims that could hurt
confidence in the country, prejudice our stability and damage our growth
potential.
There is nothing, absolutely nothing, to
suggest that Malta, whoever is governing it after 9th March, will be
forced to seek a bailout from the EU.
Why should we seek any bailout when our economy is over-liquid and the
government has no problems in financing its borrowing requirements on the local
markets at competitive rates and for stretched maturities? Countries that were forced to seek bailout
only did so reluctantly when they could no longer finance themselves normally
on the market except at prohibitively high rates.
On the contrary there is ample scope to
continue to make better use of domestic financial resources. Rather than having pseudo-banks indulging in
deposit taking to the exclusion of all other banking functions, and ‘abuse’ the
local deposit insurance scheme regulations to gain unfair and unintended access
to the low cost discount windows of the ECB, we had better give better regard
to the counsels emanating from the Central Bank Governor for the setting up of
a Development Bank to fund major productive infrastructure projects without
putting strain on government’s fiscal position.
If such a Development Bank initiative were
in place Labour’s proposal for financing the LPG power station and its infrastructure
could be financed or co-financed using such development funding without undue
reliance on international investors, given that the payback period is
relatively short and its commercial feasibility has been depicted with attractive
rate of return for prospective investors.
Rather than saving us during the last
legislature the Gonzi government should account to us why they have continued
to operate the Marsa and the first phase of the Delimara power station when
they are so inefficient. Their cost of
operations was so high that economies thereon over the last legislature would
have on their own more than financed the full capital cost of what Labour is
proposing.
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