The Malta Independent
This
is the referenda season. In the short space of one week, three national
referenda decide important matters regarding the future of the EU.
Estonians overwhelmingly approved
their country’s accession into the EU last Sunday as the Swedes were just as
overwhelmingly refusing to give up their currency to get into the
Euro.
Tomorrow, Latvia will be the last country to confirm
through a popular referendum whether or not to proceed with EU membership.
Besides Malta,
Latvia is the only other candidate country
where the referendum decision was, and still is, no forgone conclusion. In
Latvia, there is a vibrant movement
against their joining the EU and next Sunday we will see whether the decisive
segment of undecided voters will sway to the Yes vote to give the EU Commission
a 100% success rate among candidate countries, or whether
Latvia will be the exception to rule.
Indications are that the Yes will pip their nose at the finishing line but with
a thin margin.
These referenda force me to reflect.
Latvia has given itself 5 months of extra
debate following the signing of the Treaty in Athens to permit an informed decision by
the population. What reason was there for
Malta to hold the referendum one month
before the signing of the Treaty at a time when the Treaty was still making the
rounds of final approval in the European Parliament, before the Treaty was
widely discussed in all its details and before it was available in Maltese
translation?
I have long maintained that the choice of 8 March for
Malta to be the first country to go to
the accession referendum was determined by the convenience of partisan politics
and not by national interest. The holding of the referendum before the election
became a partisan political tool, funded by the taxpayers, permitting the
government a very detailed view of the state of voter disgruntlement. This gave
the PN a perfect opportunity to address the disgruntlement during the five weeks
between the referendum and the election, resorting to the lowest level of
political clientelism that has eroded the soul of this
country.
If there is one particular point in time when Labour threw away the last election it is when in January
their leader replied to the PM’s offer to reach agreement for a referendum in
March and attached a 60 per cent condition to a proposal for a binding
post-election referendum. This permitted the Prime Minister to disregard Labour’s views and proceed in the manner which was most
politically convenient for the PN without offending public opinion. Had Labour simply replied by making an unconditional offer to
hold a binding referendum after the election, we would probably be holding a
truly national EU referendum next weekend concurrently with
Latvia but under a Labour government.
Which makes all of us who feel
that on the domestic front the country is overdue for a change of
administration, just wonder why Labour chose to be so
sadomasochist to submit itself to the 52 per cent majority decision at the
election but expected a 60 per cent threshold just three months earlier! With
such a record how can Alfred Sant claim that his
personal position lends credibility to labour’s new EU
policy?
The Swedish nej to the Euro shows that
while the power of the media cannot be under-estimated, Labour’s phobia that the media disadvantage cannot be
overcome is a convenient excuse for the deficiency of the policy content. The
Swedes, as the Danish three years earlier, pushed aside all the pressure from
the broad spectrum of the political corps, the big business associations and a
large part of the Trade Union movement to stamp down their feet and declare in
no uncertain terms that they do not want to take unquantifiable risk with their
social democracy model.
On the maxim that the electorate is always right,
these referenda are delivering a clear message. At ground zero people are quite
comfortable with the enlargement but are not at all comfortable with the centralisation and deepening one size fits all that the
Commission is trying to impose. EU leaders had better take note if they expect
the new EU constitution to be accepted by the people whom they represent.
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